Full text of "The magazine of American history with notes and queries"

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GENEALOGY

973.005

M27

1880

v.5

PUBLIC LIBRARY
FORT WAYNE A ALLEN CO., \Nf%

G£Al

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 01747 7149

GENEALOGY

973.005

M27

1880

v.5

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012

http://archive.org/details/magazineofamericv5stev

IEATUT

THE

MAGAZINE

AMERICAN HISTORY

WITH

NOTES AND QUERIES

VOLUME V

A. S. BARNES & COMPANY

NEW YORK and CHICAGO
1880

Coptmgljfeb, 1880, bg %,. S. fames # Co.

CONTENTS

Route of the Allies, King's Ferry to Head of Elk, by John Austin Stevens, i
Smith's House at Haverstraw, N. Y., Washington's Headquarters, by Charles

A. Campbell, 21

Archaeological Discovery — Remains of an Ancient Indian Work on Fish

Creek, near Saratoga Springs, N. Y., by William L. Stone, ... 34
Journal of Miss Powell of a tour from Montreal to Detroit, 1789, with Notes,

by Eliza Susan Quincy, ........... 37

Descriptions of the Falls of Niagara, 47

Notes, Queries and Replies, 56, 134, 214, 369, 450

Literary Notices, ........ 67, 147, 227, 384, 461

Obituary Notices. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan, D. D., LL. D., by John

Gilmary Shea, 77 ; Samuel Osgood, D. D., LL. D., by Jacob B. Moore, 399
The Traditional Washington Vindicated, by B. F. de Costa, ... 81

The De Wint House, at Tappan, N. Y., Washington's Headquarters, by John

Austin Stevens, ........... 105

Washington Manor House, Sulgrave, England, by John Austin Stevens, . 113
Letters of Washington, now first published (thirty-two), 1 782-1 783, . . .116
Washington Portraits — Four letters from Rembrandt Peale, . . .129

The Affair at Block House Point, 1780, by Charles H. Winfield, . . .161
The Massacre of the Stockb ridge Indians, 1778, by Thomas F. De Voe, . 187

George Clymer, the Signer, by Wharton Dickenson, 196

Liguest, the Founder of St. Louis, by E. N, Lander, 204

Eloquence of the North American Indians, by Caleb Atwater, . . .211
The Southern Campaign, 1780 — Gates at Camden, by John Austin Stevens, . 241
Letters of Major-Gen. Gates, from June 21st to August 31st, 1780, . . 281
Orders issued by Major-Gen. Gates to Southern Army, 1780, . . .310
The Pawnee Indians — their habits and customs, by John B. Dunbar, . .321
Pitalesharu — Chief of the Pawnees, by John B. Dunbar, .... 343
Centres of Primitive Manufacture in Georgia, by Charles C. Jones, Jr., . 346

Battle of King's Mountain, reprinted from the Shelby tract, . . . . 35 1
The Affair at King's Mountain, by J. Watts de Peyster, . . . .401

The Southern Campaign, 1780 — Gates at Camden, by John Austin Stevens, 425
Tracts of the American Revolution, by J. C. Stockbridge, .... 4 2 7
French Hill and the Tradition of the French in Northern Westchester, by

William J. Cumming, 44 2

The St. Memin Portraits, by the Editor, 446

The Case of Osceola, 447

^o vm

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Portrait of Count de Rochambeau, steel etching, by Hall, i

Map of the West of the Hudson, from Erskine's MS. Survey, ... 8
Map of the Route of the Allies from Chatham to Head of Elk, from Lieut.

Hill's Survey, 17

View of Old King's Ferry at Stony Point, N. Y., by A. Hosier, ... 20
Joshua Hett Smith House, Haverstraw, N. Y. — Washington's Headquarters —

by A. Hosier, 24

View of Andre's Room, 33

View of Niagara Falls in 1790 — fac-simile of a cut in the Massachusetts

Magazine, 55

Portrait of Washington, steel engraving, by Holl, 85

The Washington Tomb, by A. Hosier, 104

The De Wint House, Tappan, N. Y. — Washington's Headquarters — by A.

Hosier, , 105

View of Washington's Room at the De Wint House, 112

View of the Washington Manor House, Sulgrave, Northamptonshire, England, 115
View of Block House Point, Hudson River, by A. Hosier, . . . .165
Map of the West of the Hudson, from Closter to Paulus Hook, «, . .170

Plan of Attack on the Block House, . 172

Erskine's Data for ascertaining the width of the North River, . . .174

Scene of the Massacre of the Stockbridge Indians, August 31st, 1778, . . 195
Portrait of George Clymer, steel engraving, by Sartain, . . . . .196

The Clymer House, Philadelphia, Pa., by A Hosier, 200

Portrait of Major-General Horatio Gates, steel etching, by Hall, . . . 241
Part of the plan of the Seat of War in the Southern States, from Johnson's

Life of Greene, 269

Plan of the Battle near Camden, by Col. Senff, from the Steuben Papers, . 275
Plan of the Battle fought near Camden, engraved for Stedman's History of

the American War, . . . 281

Portrait of Pitalesharu — head chief of the Pawnees — wood engraving, by

Richardson, after an original photograph, 321

Map of the Pawnee Territory, ......... 222

Plan of the Battle of King's Mountain, from Ramsey's History of Tennessee, 415

Chart of the Route of the French from Providence to King's Ferry, . . 444
Portraits of Governor George Clinton and Lady Clinton, from the original

copper plates of St. Memin, m 446

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. V JULY 1880 No. 1

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY TO

THE HEAD OF ELK

I — THE CROSSING OF THE HUDSON

THE operations of the allied armies before New York in the months
of July and August, 1781, thoroughly alarmed Sir Henry Clinton
as to the safety of his position ; even the heavy reinforcements
received from Europe were not sufficient in his opinion to warrant any
offensive movement against his enterprising enemies. Twice the defenses
of the upper part of the island were approached almost to the muzzles
of his guns. Twice the French and American armies were drawn up
in line of battle inviting an engagement, and once their commanders,
Washington and Rochambeau, with their staffs and an escort of cavalry
rode down the northern front of the British position from its western
outpost on the Hudson to its eastern batteries on the Harlem and the
Sound. The American troops were no longer the untrained militia of
the earlier years. The French contingent were veterans of hard con-
tested fields. Discretion here seemed to Clinton the better part of valor.
Nor was Clinton wrong in his belief that New York was the true ob-
jective point of the movements of the allies. Washington himself did
not definitely change his plans until the 14th August, when he received
certain information that the Count de Grasse would be within a very
short space of time at the mouth of the Chesapeake with a powerful
army and land force. On this day he records in his diary that " mat-
ters having come to a crisis and a decisive plan to be determined on, he
was obliged, from the shortness of Count de Grasse's promised stay on
the coast, the apparent disinclination of the French naval officers to
force the harbor of New York, the feeble compliance of the States with
his requisitions for men hitherto and with prospect of no greater exertion
in future, to give up the idea of attacking New York; and instead
thereof, to remove the French troops and a detachment from the Ameri-

2 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

can army to the Head of Elk, to be transported to Virginia for the
purpose of cooperating with the force from the West Indies against the
troops in that State.'* The next day he despatched a courier to the
Marquis de Lafayette with the joyful news and directed him to be in
perfect readiness to second his views and prevent, if possible, the retreat
of Cornwallis towards the Carolinas.

In these words are found the first practical inception of the York-
town campaign which was the alternative plan discussed by the allied
commanders and from the time of the conference at Weathersfield, the
desire of de Rochambeau. Later letters from Lafayette the next day
brought information that Lord Cornwallis, with the troops from Hamp-
ton Roads, had proceeded up York River and landed at York and
Gloucester where they were throwing up earth works.

While hastening the movement to which the happy coincidence of
the imprudence of Cornwallis and the expected arrival of the French
squadron promised brilliant and signal success, Washington neglected
no measure to conceal his changed tactics. While heavy working par-
ties were engaged in repairing roads over which the army was to
move, and extensive ovens were built by the French at Chatham for the
baking of bread for the troops, the roads leading toward Staten
Island were also repaired in order to threaten a movement on New
York by the flank, and confirm the opinion of Clinton that the French
fleet would shortly be at the entrance of the harbor of New York.

The detachment from the American army, as Washington invariably
terms it, was " composed of the Light Infantry under Colonel Scammel,
consisting of two light companies from the York and two from the Con-
necticut line, the remainder of the Jersey line, two regiments of York,
Hazen's regiment, and the regiment of Rhode Island, together with
Lamb's regiment of artillery, with cannon and other ordnance for the
field and siege." Hazen's was the regiment selected to divert the atten-
tion of the British commander. This was the regiment of Canadian
volunteers. Thrown over directly from Dobbs' Ferry to Sneden's
landing opposite, it was ordered with the Jersey troops to march
and take post between Springfield and Chatham. This position also
covered the French bakery, which was in full operation. The
crossing was made on the 18th August. The same day the Amer-
ican Quartermaster-General was sent forward to King's Ferry, which
Washington sets down in his own hand as " the only secure passage "
of the Hudson, to prepare for the rapid transportation of the troops.
Marching orders were issued from the camp at . Philipsburg on the

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY 3

morning of the 19th. The light troops moved rapidly in advance,
crossed King's Ferry in the night, and pushed forward immediately to
Kakeat, where they went into camp. Washington, who went in
advance of the army, halted at Haverstraw to look personally to the
details of the crossing of the Hudson.

The head of the American column reached King's Ferry at ten
o'clock on the morning of the 20th, and by the close of the 21st the
entire force, with all theiri baggage, artillery and stores, were safely car-
ried over, only a few wagons of the Commissary and Quartermaster-
General's department remaining, which were detained to allow of the
crossing of the French, some of whose artillery and part of the infantry
arrived on the 21st. During the time occupied in this movement Wash-
ington mounted thirty flat boats, to carry about forty men each, upon
carriages, as well with a design, as he wrote in his diary, " to
deceive the enemy as to be useful in Virginia." On Wednesday, the
22d also, in General Orders, dated Haverstraw, he reminded the army
of his explicit orders, issued on the 19th June, at the opening of the
campaign, and again particularly charged it upon the detachment under
the direction of General Lincoln that, as they were to " consider them-
selves as Light Troops, who are always supposed to be fit for imme-
diate action, they should free themselves from every incumbrance which
might interfere with the activity of the movement." The crossing of the
French troops with their cavalry and heavy siege trains was a long
and difficult operation. Notwithstanding the large number of ferryboats
gathered by the indefatigable efforts of the American Quartermaster,
their rear guard was not over until the 26th.

Before entering upon a relation of the route of the Allies in their
southward march, a brief description of King's Ferry, the terminus of
the famous old revolutionary road, may prove of interest. The colonial
records of the State of New York make no mention of this river cross-
ing. The communication between the two sides of the Hudson was
slight until the strategic necessity of war made of the old road,
as similar necessity has made of the thousand arteries of European
travel, a military highway. It assumed its first prominence in history
when Washington, after the check of the British at White Plains and
North Castle, and the withdrawal of Sir William Howe and his baffled
army to New York city, moved his army in the late autumn of 1776
across the Hudson, and began the policy of offensive defense which
earned for him the name of the American Fabius. It lies at the foot of
the western slope of the eminence known as Stony Point. Well does

4 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING S FERRY

this historic hill deserve its name. Heavy boulders of granite rock lie
gaunt and rough upon the hills, scatterings of the glaciers which split
the Hudson highlands and the palisades below, cleanly as with a chisel,
in nature's grand impulsion, from the Polar platform to the sea. No-
where on the Atlantic slope are such massive boulders to be found as
here. They equal in size the deposits of the Alpine glaciers on the
Savoy shore of the lake of Geneva, near the celebrated chestnut grove ?
and are more remarkable in their distance from the elevations from
which they were detached and hurled.

In the struggle to obtain control of the North River, the northern
division line of the colonies, the importance of Stony Point was early
recognized by the commanders of the contending armies. In his solici-
tude for the safety of the Highlands, Washington undertook its
defense, notwithstanding his limited resources in men and material, but
the prosecution of the unfinished work was interrupted by the formid-
able movement, led by Sir Henry Clinton in person, and was aban-
doned to his superior force on the last day of May, 1779. Fort Lafa-
yette, on Verplanck's Point, the terminus of the ferry on the east side of
the Hudson, was surrendered a few days later, and Clinton at once
strengthened the two posts, a movement which Washington considered
one of the best of the enemy. King's Ferry he pronounced, in a letter
to his friend, Fitzhugh of Maryland, written from New Windsor, at this
period, " as the best, indeed for us the only passage of the river below
the Highlands." Washington, anticipating an immediate attempt to
force the passage of the Highlands, at once broke up his encampment
at Middlebrook, and shifted his headquarters to New Windsor. Sir
Henry Clinton showed no disposition, however, to try conclusions in the
fastnesses above, and shortly withdrew his main body to New York city,
leaving, however, a strong garrison in the works. The gallant surprise
and capture of the post by Mad Anthony Wayne with his light infantry
on the night of the 15th July was fully commemorated on its recent cen-
tennial anniversary. Too weak to garrison the post, Washington con-
tented himself with razing the works and removing the guns. Sir Henry
Clinton in turn sent up a strong force, which took possession of the fort,
and followed with his whole army, in the hope of drawing Washington
to a general engagement on disadvantageous ground, but Washington
was not to be drawn into action, except at times and on ground of his
own choosing. The British repaired the works, but soon abandoned them ;
Sir Henry Clinton advising Lord George Germaine on the 21st August
that " he had not troops enough without hazard and difficulty to main-

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING S FERRY 5

tain them during the winter," and on the 1st November Washington is
found writing to Pendleton, that Stony Point, " which has been a bone of
contention the whole campaign, and the principal business of it on the
part of the enemy, is now wholly evacuated by them." In the spring of
1780 the posts were re-established by Washington to control the water
communication against temporary interruption, and during the summer
held by militia, who were ordered to withdraw on the first appearance
of the enemy in force, and to remove the cannon. No further attempts
were however made by the British commanders, and the post remained
in undisputed possession of the Americans till the close of the war.

Verplanck's Point opposite is about eight miles below Peekskill,
whose rocky passes form the impregnable eastern gateway of the Hud-
son Highlands. The point itself is the extremity of a peninsula of
land which gently slopes from the higher ground behind to the water's
edge. This has always been the eastern terminus of King's Ferry.

The curious enquirer, however, would find it difficult to ascertain the
exact location of the western landing from any printed authority, and as
difficult from any tradition of the neighborhood. Dr. Lossing, the very
best authority on all questions of revolutionary topography, does not pre-
cisely designate it. There are known to have been three different land-
ing places on the western shore of the Hudson. The one at which Dr.
Lossing crossed while engaged in researches for his Field Book, the
vade mecum of historic enquirers, was the middle one of the three, and
the second in age ; it is at the foot of a steep hill about a quarter of a
mile by the river shore from Stony Point ; there are remains of the
masonry of a narrow causeway ; the third and last is still further to the
northward about a quarter of a mile to the north of Stony Point at
the mouth of a small creek, which flows into the Hudson, but
the old King's Ferry was at the very foot of the Stony Point eminence.
Here, not far distant from it, jutting into the stream, and to the
northward, under the protection of its sheltering flank, lies a miniature
cove with a hard graveled shore, which is known by the name of
Teneyck's Beach ; the Teneycks having had an imprescriptible right to
this ferriage from colonial time immemorial. The stone foundations
and heavy bulwarks of the old dock still mark the landing, but the place
is better known in the neighborhood from the enormous willow tree
which grows at the water's edge and deserves to be mentioned among
the most famous American trees. It is a wonderful specimen of the
Pollard variety and perfect in dome-like form. Its branches hang al-
most to the ground. Its sufficient, abundant and close foliage is imper-

6 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

vious to rain. Its massive trunk measures at a height of four feet from
the ground, seventeen feet ten inches. Its roots, interwoven in a net-
work platform, cover an extensive circumference. From the beach
the broad causeway leads up the ravine between the Stony Point
hill and that to the northward. It is now entirely covered with grass,
but its breadth and evident strength are sufficient evidence that it was
constructed by competent engineers for the rough uses of army move-
ment. The slope of the northern hill is now covered with a fine or-
chard. The causeway runs between the hills nearly at right angles
with the river and strikes the main road, the Albany turnpike, at a dis-
tance of about half a mile.

Washington watched the crossing of the allied forces from a
marquee prepared for him at Verplanck's Point by the French officers ;
a brilliant pageant it was he witnessed these bright summer days.
The broad stream glittering in the sunlight, flecked with innumerable
boats bearing their martial array, in continuous line from Verplanck's
Point, where the American colors waved from the little post of Fort
Lafayette, to the beach beneath the guns of Stony Point. The chivalry
of France, the war-worn veteran, de Rochambeau, the elegant and
learned de Chastellux, the brilliant brothers de Viomenil, followed by
their staffs, in which rode the flower of French nobility, Dukes,
Barons, Knights and Squires of high degree. The reading of their
names sounds like a page from the Chronicles of Froissart. The
feeling with which Washington regarded this initial move of the
Southern campaign is related with charming naturalness by M.
Blanchard, the Commissary of the French army, who was at his
side. " He seemed," says the French officer, " in this crossing, in the
march of our troops toward the Chesapeake Bay, and our reunion with
M. de Grasse, to see a better destiny arise at the period of the war,
when, exhausted and destitute of resources, he needed a great success
which might raise courage and hope." Blanchard adds that Wash-
ington pressed his hand with much affection when he left Verplanck's
Point and crossed the river himself, at two o'clock on the afternoon of
the 25th, to rejoin the army.

During the days from the 21st to the 25th August, Washington had
his headquarters at Belmont, an elegant mansion still standing, and
famous in American history as the residence of Joshua Hett Smith, and
the spot where the final details of the plot to deliver over West Point
to Sir "Henry Clinton were completed by the traitor, Arnold, who com-
manded the post, and Major Andre, Adjutant-General of the British

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KINGS FERRY 7

army, and it was the owner who, ignorantly perhaps, but more probably
with entire cognizance of the general purposes of the chief actors,
guided the disguised officer through the American lines, beyond which
he fell prisoner.

The building, which had acquired the name of Treason House, had
lost somewhat of its grandeur, and with its grounds had suffered depre-
dation from marauders, but its situation for the headquarters of a
commander-in-chief was. unrivalled. Standing on high tableland, it
overlooks the whole of the broad bay of Haverstraw, here five miles
wide, and the Hudson southerly for a far greater distance. Not a ves-
sel could pass the points of the shore, on upward or downward course,
not a boat or canoe ply between the river banks, without being seen
from this natural observatory. Washington knew it well, and had often
been the guest of its old owner on his many passages to and fro from
West Point to the Jerseys to threaten or defend the Jersey plains or
the Highland approaches. This was the house to which he invited
Rochambeau to a farm breakfast on the morning of the 21st of August,
and it was here that M. Blanchard, bearing a dispatch to him from
the French commander, took a cup of tea with the American chief on
the evening of the same day ; and it was in the commanding position of
the neighboring fields that the French troops made and held their
camps.

II. THE MARCH FROM KING'S FERRY TO PHILADELPHIA

On the morning of Friday, the 24th August, Washington in General
Orders directed that the troops be supplied with three days' rations,
and hold themselves in perfect readiness to march ; and in after Gen-
eral Orders of the same day they were detailed to march in two col-
umns the next morning, by the right, at four o'clock ; the right column
to consist of Olney's regiment, park of artillery, sappers and miners,
the Commander-in-Chief's baggage, baggage of the artillery, spare am-
munition, baggage and stores of every kind. The next morning, Sat-
urday, the 25th, the army moved. General Lincoln, with the light
infantry and the First New York Regiment, which had lain in camp at
Kakeat since the night of the 19th, was ordered to pursue the route by
Paramus to Springfield, while Colonel Lamb, with his regiment of
artillery, the park and stores, covered by Olney's Rhode Island regi-
ment, proceeded to Chatham by the way of Pompton and the two
bridges. The same day the French broke camp, the Legion of Lauzun
ieading the van, followed by the first division of the French army, com-

8 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

posed of the regiments of Bourbonnais and Deux-Ponts, with their
parks of heavy artillery. The Baron de Viomenil commanded this
corps. Their line of march was to Percipany, by way of Suffern's and
Pompton. They took the route through Hackensack, reached Suf-
fern's, about fifteen miles distant, where they encamped.

Washington left the Ferry in the afternoon, and joined the advance of
the right column, which had reached Ramapo and gone into camp,
whence he issued his orders for the next day's march, which was to be
continued in the same order, save that the baggage of the Commander-
in-Chief was to precede the park. So long as there was business and
danger in the rear, Washington remained behind. He now passed to the
front of the army to remove all obstructions and hasten its movement.

On the 26th the Light Infantry marched from Kakeat to Paramus,
the right column to the forks of the Passaic, where they encamped, and
orders were issued for a renewal of the march on the next morning,
shortly after daybreak, in the same order. The first division of the French
moved from Suffern's to Pompton, crossing the river Pompton three
times over the wooden bridges, which were in excellent repair. The
distance was about fifteen miles. So entirely were all but the chiefs in the
dark as to the real objective point of the campaign, that even on this
day the Duke de Deux-Ponts, who commanded the regiment which
bore his name, sets it down in his diary that the corps under Wash-
ington's immediate command had taken another direction, and seemed
to be about to move towards Paulus Hook (now Jersey City) or Staten
Island ; and he expresses himself as unable to form a fixed opinion
as to the object of the march. The same day the second division of
the French army left their encampment at Haverstraw and marched to
Suffern's, where they encamped on the ground the first had left in the
morning. This division, consisting of the regiments of Soissonnais and
Saintonge, was commanded by the Vicomte de Viomenil ; they
brought up the rear with all the baggage and stores.

On the 27th the American troops continued the feint upon New
York, manoeuvering at Springfield, preceded and covered by the Light
Infantry. On this day the Duke de Deux-Ponts records that he was
for the first time informed under injunction of the strictest secrecy, that
the real purpose of the campaign was the capture of Cornwallis. The
first division of the French marched from Pompton to Whippany or
Hanover. Whippany lies on the stream of the same name, and is not
far from Morristown. The same day the second division of the French
continued over the same route. In his general orders of the 28th, is-

WEST OF THE HUDSON.

MS. SURVEY UY ROBERT BRSKINB, I- . R. S , V

c;eO(;rapher to the army of the u. s. t
in the n. y. hist. soc.

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING S FERRY 9

sued at Springfield, Washington changed the formation of his army.
Part of General "Lincoln's command were formed into three brigades in
the following order: The Light Infantry were placed under Colonel
Scammel on the right; the two New York regiments under Brigadier-
General James Clinton on the left; the Jersey and Rhode Island regi-
ments in the centre. Two field pieces were annexed to the Jersey Brig-
ade. Marching orders for the next day assigned the following orders :
The left of the line to consist of the three brigades named ; the right
column of the Park of Artillery, the boats (those which Washington had
mounted on carriages at King's Ferry), the baggage and stores under
escort of Brigadier-General Hazen's regiment and the corps of sappers
and miners. The first division of the French army halted during the day
and were joined by the second division. In the afternoon the Count de
Rochambeau left the army for Philadelphia, taking with him the Counts
de Fersen, de Vauban and the Baron de Closen of his staff. The Cheva-
lier de la Luzerne, the French Ambassador, resided at Philadelphia,
where Congress was in session, and tidings of the appearance of the
squadron of the Count de Grasse were awaited with the greatest impa-
tience and anxiety.

On the morning of the 29th, the French moved to Bullion's Tavern,
and the right column of the Americans to Bound Brook. The feint
against New York having served its purpose, and its continuance being
of no further advantage, Washington issued his orders for the march
southward. His own admirable diary, in itself a complete his-
tory of the campaign, gives the best account of his purposes and his
measures. " As our intentions could be concealed one march more
(under the idea of marching to Sandy Hook to facilitate the entrance
of the French fleet within the Bay), the whole army was put in motion
in three columns. The left consisted of the Light Infantry, First York
Regiment and the Regiment of Rhode Island ; the middle column con-
sisted of the Park, stores and baggage, Lamb's regiment of Artillery,
Hazen's and the corps of sappers and miners ; the right column con-
sisted of the whole French army, baggage, stores, etc. This last was to
march by the route of Morristown, Bullion's Tavern, Somerset Court
House and Princeton. The middle was to go by Bound Brook to Som-
erset, etc., and the left to proceed by the way of Brunswick to Trenton,
to which place the whole were to march, transports being ordered to
meet them there." These orders issued, Washington set out for Phila-
delphia for further arrangements to provide vessels and transportation
for the ordnance and stores.

10 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

It is not necessary to trace the movement of each of these columns
on the road over which they moved. The Light Infantry, under Scam-
mel, reached Brunswick on the 29th, Princeton on the 30th, Trenton on
the 31st. They crossed the Delaware on the 1st September, inarched
seventeen miles and encamped at Lower Doublan, twelve miles from
Philadelphia; on the second they marched through the city.

The right column of the Americans with the Artillery marched from
Bound Brook to Princeton on the 29th, which they left on the 30th.

The route of the French has been carefully preserved in the numer-
ous diaries of the officers. The First Brigade marched from Whippany
to Bullion's Tavern on the 29th, a distance of sixteen miles. On the
30th they reached Somerset Court House, fifteen miles; the 31st
marched from Somerset to Princeton, eighteen miles ; the 1st of
September from Princeton to Trenton, twelve miles. The 2d they
went into camp to the northward of Red Lion Tavern, sixteen miles
from Philadelphia. The distance between King's Ferry and Philadel-
phia is about one hundred and thirty miles, and the country traversed
on this famous march, which is still full of the memories of the allied
armies that trod its soil, passed through its villages, and enjoyed its
hospitality, is celebrated for its picturesque beauty.

From the high tableland under the shadow of Mount Thor, one of
the boldest peaks of the western Hudson Highlands, the country drops
in gradual descent to the flat and fertile plains of the Jerseys. The road
from King's Ferry to Suffern's, which was the first day's journey of the
troops, still retains many of its ancient landmarks, to which there is a
thoroughly accurate guide in the map which Erskine drew from the
surveys, which he made in 1779, as Geographer to the Continental army.
His charts are to-day the best possible guide for the traveler ; every house
which was standing in the last century is laid down, the taverns marked
with their keepers' names, and even the smallest streams traced in their
winding courses, crossing and recrossing the road. The first of the
taverns, though a short distance to the eastward of the turnpike, was
Benson's; though now deserted, it has been used as a public house until a
quite recent period. Its situation is delightful, on a plateau which com-
mands an extensive view to the south and eastward ; down the river are
seen the sharp angles of Grassy and Teller's Points, which jut out far
into the broad bosom of the river.

Just below Benson's Corners is a once romantic dale, sw r ept by a dark,
wild stream, the roar of whose waters is now mingled with the thousand
wheels of extensive factories ; here is one of the finest proves of elms

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY II

in Rockland County. Leaving old North Haverstraw high perched on
the hillside to the eastward, the old revolutionary road takes a more
southwesterly direction, passing through the hamlet of Kakeat, where
John Coe kept a tavern, a familiar halting place of the troopers. It was
here that Major Tallmadge halted with his dragoons when taking Andre
down from West Point to Tappan. Beyond Kakeat the road passes
the Hollow-way, which lies between the ridge, upon which it runs, and
the eastern base of the Ramapo hills, which it gradually approaches
and finally reaches a short distance above Suffern's, at the head of
Anthony's lake. Here stands the oldest house in the valley, built by
Ludowick Carlow, in 1756. Suffern's is in the State of New York,
just to the northward of the New Jersey line. It was an important
strategic point, situated at the end of the Ramapo range where the
valley passes to the mountain ranges converge.

On the maps of the old Indian War it is marked as the site of a
fort, Fort George, but there are no remains of its works, and no tra-
dition of it remains in the neighborhood. The formation of the land
has been greatly altered to lay the base of the railroad track. A
high flat plain to the eastward of the fort site still retains the
name of the American camp-ground. It lies at the foot of a hill, whose
impassable rocky sides rise almost perpendicularly, and afford a perfect
protection to the rear. At the northern extremity of this broad field
there are visible remains of earthworks, probably a tcte de chcmin to
cover the old northern turnpike which passed directly through the
camp. On the west runs the Ramapo stream. There is a tradition
that this was only a quarantine or invalid camp, but the better opinion
is that it was thrown up to prevent the British movements up the valley.
Beyond the river also, at what is now entitled Woodburn, are the
remains of an encampment, where Harlem bricks and traces of fire-
places have been found. The Harlem bricks indicate a much older
camp ground than that of 1781. Suffern's takes its name from an
old innkeeper, John Suffern, who emigrated from Antrim, Ireland, in
1763. He landed at Philadelphia, but first settled at Haverstraw. He
established himself in the Ramapo valley in 1773, where his descendants
still reside. The old stone house was a famous resort of the patriots.
Washington made his headquarters here, and here also was the scene of
one of Burr's dashing exploits. Not far beyond on the northern side of
the old post-road was Wannemacker's tavern, still standing, a deserted
ruin. Near by, also, is the house where Andrew Hopper resided.
Washington was a constant visitor at this house. Hopper maintained

12 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KINGS FERRY

his relations with New York, and it is said kept Washington constantly
informed of the movements of the enemy. It is impossible to con-
ceive of a road of more changing and picturesque beauty, lined with
magnificent trees, oaks, elms, chestnuts, hemlocks and larches in endless
variety ; broad green pastures, threaded by bright crystal streams, and
a perpetual winding way around the hillsides and deep down in the
heart of the dales ; some of them, like the Dark Road or Tinker's Gap,
have their tale of horror to enhance the interest of nature with super-
natural charm.

Running through the valley at the foot of the steep Wynockie cliff,
the westernmost hills of the Ramapo range, the old revolutionary road
passes the Pond, a pretty sheet of water, fed from the springs of neigh-
boring hills, and soon crosses the Ramapo at a most picturesque spot,
marked by the homestead of the Schuylers of New Jersey. This was
the first of the bridges over the Ramapo ; the second crossing was by
the Norton tavern, near which was the old Pompton furnace which
Ryerson kept in full blaze in the days of the Revolution. The Pompton
Plains in which the French pitched their tents, are at the foot of one of
the Wynockie hills. One of these hills is called Federal Hill ; there an
old cannon was found some years ago, but it is more probable that
this took its name from the celebration of the adoption of the Constitu-
tion by the Jersey Blues. The roads over all this country are admirable,
hard and firm, fit for the movement of the heaviest trains. The country
abounds in forest groves, rich in foliage of unexampled luxuriance, and
the atmosphere is exhilarating beyond idea. The act of living is a delight
in the crisp bracing air of these plains. No wonder that the French of-
ficers wrote that the route was superb — an open country they found it
and well cultivated, inhabited by Hollanders, quite rich. Curious to
see the natural beauties of the western hemisphere the French officers,
after looking to the encampment of their men, paid a visit to the Totawa
Fail. They note the extensive farms, the great numbers of cattle and
the abundance of fruit ; the apples trees found fewer than in the northern
provinces, but peach trees numerous ; the cultivation chiefly of buck-
wheat and maize. The land they found to need manuring and not
equal to the best in France. One of them notices the total absence of
gardens and walls and the rarity of fences even ; everywhere a strik-
ing contrast to the high masonry which to this day divides the French
farms in the neighborhood of the towns, and it must be admitted, sadly
detracts from the picturesqueness of the scenery of that beautiful
country. The inhabitants of New Jersey the French set down as mostly

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY 1 3

of Alsacian and Holland extraction; easy, hospitable and contented.
Provisions arrived at the French camp from all sides, not brought by
trading hucksters or marketwomen, but by ladies, with their heads
dressed and adorned with jewels, driving their own rustic wagons drawn
by spirited horses in double and sometimes treble front. They cor-
rectly describe the Totowa Fall as more singular and imposing than
beautiful.

Of Bullion's Tavern on the road beyond Chatham, the French me-
moirs give no description, nor yet of Somerset Court House. From
Somerset to Princeton the road led through thick woods. Princeton
they found a pleasant and well built town of about sixty houses. The
college, with its fifty students, is noticed, and the curious orrery of David
Rittenhouse described. One French account gives the number of the
windows in the front of the building ; there were twenty-five. Tren-
ton is described as containing about one hundred houses. Here the
Delaware was crossed, the wagons by the ford, the troops in ferry
boats. From Trenton to Philadelphia the road is broad. It follows
the bank of the Delaware through a flat country covered with fine
farms and occasional woodland. The beauty of Burlington is remarked ;
and Bristol is pronounced a pretty town of forty or fifty houses. The old
Red Lion Tavern, about sixteen miles to the northward of Philadelphia,
finds mention in all of the memoirs of the time. The banks of the
Delaware reminded the French of the Loire in its flat and smiling
beauty. The North River, they found sombre and wild ; as it is indeed ;
resembling more the dark Danube than any other European stream.

Ill — THE ALLIES IN PHILADELPHIA

Washington arrived in Philadelphia on the 30th August. Th-e best
account of this interesting event appears in the Pennsylvania Packet, of
the 1st September. It runs as follows:

" On Thursday, the 30th of August, at one o'clock in the afternoon,
his Excellency the Commander-in-chief of the American armies, accom-
panied by the Generals Rochambeau and Chastellux, with their
respective suites, arrived in this city. The General was received by
the militia light horse in the suburbs, and escorted into the town ; he
stopped at the City Tavern and received the visit of several gentlemen ;
from thence he proceeded to the house of the Superintendent of Finance,
where he now has his headquarters. About three o'clock he went up

14 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING S FERRY

to the State House, and paid his respects to Congress. He then
returned to the Superintendent's, where his Excellency the President of
Congress, with the Generals before mentioned, General Knox, General
Sullivan, and several other gentlemen, had the pleasure of dining with
him. After dinner some vessels belonging to this port, and those lying
in the stream, fired salutes to the different toasts which were drank. In
the evening the city was illuminated, and his Excellency walked through
some of the principal streets, attended by a numerous concourse of
people, eagerly pressing to see their beloved General." Washington
himself records his arrival in modest terms, the entry in his diary
merely stating that he " arrived at Philadelphia to dinner, and immedi-
ately hastened up all the vessels that could be procured," but finding
them inadequate to the purpose of transporting both troops and stores,
he concluded with Count de Rochambeau to march the troops by land
to the head of Elk.

Marching orders were issued to all except the Second New York
Regiment, which was ordered to come down in the batteaux they had
in charge to Christiana Bridge. The American troops passed through
the city without halt.

On the 3d September the first division of the French army broke
camp at the Red Lion Tavern and marched toward Philadelphia.
Arrived at a quarter of a mile distance, they halted, refreshed them-
selves, brushed the dust from their uniforms, put on their gala decora-
tions, as for a day of garrison review, and entered the city in grand tenue.
The Count de Rochambeau rode out to meet them with his staff, and
placed himself at their head. The entire city was astir, and the brilliant
array was welcomed with joyous acclamations. Passing in front of the
State House, where the Members of Congress were assembled, their
General officers at the head of their brigades, the troops gave a marching
salute. The French memoirs give some curious details of the ceremony
on this occasion. The President of Congress, Mr. Thomas McKean, who
had been elected only a few days before, inquired of the Count de Ro-
chambeau whether the salute should be returned. The Count replied that
when the French troops marched past their King his Majesty always
returned their salute with graciousness. This, says Cromot du Bourg,
an aid of de Rochambeau, who has preserved this incident, may give a
slight idea of the representative of the American nation. We may
pardon the young Frenchman the implied satire in recollection of the
thoroughness and remarkable fairness of his narrative, but, at the same
time, approve the prudence of the President of Congress, and his

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KINGS FERRY 1 5

tenacity of the etiquette of his position as the head of a nation, and
recognize the precision and desire to do the correct thing of the staid
Pennsvlvanian. The Duke de Deux-Ponts gives a comical turn to his
narrative. He says that " when the French troops paid the Congress
the honors the King had commanded, the thirteen members took off
their thirteen hats at each salute of the flags and of the officers, which
was all that he noticed that was either polite or extraordinary."

The troops then marched to their encampment on the Commons, a
vast plain on the banks of the Schuylkill, about a mile from the city.
The next day the Second Brigade, the regiments of Soissonnais and
Saintonge arrived, and w T ere received with no less enthusiasm. The
uniform of the French troops was greatly admired, and no less was
the surprise at the neatness with which their troops appeared after a
march so long and weary. Those of the infantry were white, but dis-
tinguished from each other by the colors of their lappels and trimmings.
That of the Soissonnais, with its pink decorations, seems to have won
favor in the eyes of the fair city ladies, and the white and pink plumes
of the grenadiers brought a flutter to many a heart. The fine band of
music which preceded the French column delighted the citizens with its
martial airs. These particulars are taken from the French accounts.
The American, which appeared in the Pennsylvania Packet of the 8th
September, deserves record, as giving some further details of the cere-
monial of the day :

" On Monday and Tuesday last the French army, under the com-
mand of his Excellency Count de Rochambeau, passed in review before
his Excellency the President and the Honorable the Congress of the
United States, at the State House in this city ; when the honors due to
a sovereign power were respectfully paid. The President was cov-
ered, his Excellency General Washington, Commander-in-Chief, the
Count de Rochambeau, etc., stood on his left hand, uncovered. The
President took off his hat and bowed in return to every salute of the
officers and standards. The troops made a most martial and grand
appearance. The orders of his most Christian Majesty are to pay the
same honours to the President of Congress as to the Field Marshal of
France and a Prince of the Blood, and to Congress the same as to him-
self. The spectators were impressed with the most lively gratitude to
the brave, noble, and virtuous prince, who so happily governs the French
nation; whose shining reign and magnanimous acts are rather to be
conceived than recorded. Angels envy him his acquired glory."

1 6 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

After the review was over the President sent the following letter to
the Count :

Sir, I have the honour to express to your Excellency the satisfaction of
Congress in the compliment which has been paid to them by the troops of his
Most Christian Majesty under your command. The brilliant appearance and ex-
act discipline of the several corps do the highest honour to their officers, and
afford a happy presage of the most distinguished services in a cause which they
have so zealously espoused.

I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excel-
lency's most obedient and most humble servant, Thomas McKean.

President.
His Excellency Count De Rochambeau,

Commander of the French Army.
Philadelphia, September 4, 1781.

The next day the Regiment of Soissonnais, commanded by the
Count de Saint-Maime, went through its manoeuvres, including that of
firing. According to a French account, at least twenty thousand persons
were present, and many carriages remarkable for their elegance- and
lightness, admiring the martial scene, to which the beauty of the locality
and the perfection of the day added fresh charm. The rapidity of the
evolutions of the troops, their ensemble and precision excited the enthu-
siasm of the spectators.

Among the spectators was the President of Congress in a long,
black velvet coat, which surprised the French by its simplicity.
Upon this good Abbe Robin, who served as chaplain, comments ;
considering " the good Pennsylvanians as far below the French in
etiquette as the French were below them in the science of legislation."
Much were the French amused at what they considered the mistake of
the people, who seemed to take for a General a servant of one of the
French Grand Seigneurs. This important personage wore a short close
jacket, rich silver fringed coat, pink shoes, hat emblazoned with armo-
rial bearings and cane with enormous head, which appeared to them as
signs of high dignity. Every time, says the Abbe, that he approached
his master to receive his orders the people supposed that he went to
give them. The incident is amusing, the explanation simple. The
comments of the Abbe may be dismissed with a smile. The race of
badauds is not confined to one continent.

And here is given to complete the narrative, the American ac-
count of this military display which appeared in the Pennsylvania
Packet of the 8th September.

' $

1 6 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

After the review was over the President sent the following letter to
the Count:

I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excel-
lency's most obedient and most humble servant, Thomas McKean.

President.
His Excellency Count De Rochambeau,

Commander of the French Army.
Philadelphia, September 4, 1781.

The next day the Regiment of Soissonnais, commanded by the
Count de Saint-Maime, Avent through its manoeuvres, including that of
firing. According to a French account, at least twenty thousand persons
were present, and many carriages remarkable for their elegance- and
lightness, admiring the martial scene, to which the beauty of the locality
and the perfection of the day added fresh charm. The rapidity of the
evolutions of the troops, their ensemble and precision excited the enthu-
siasm of the spectators.

Among the spectators was the President of Congress in a long,
black velvet coat, which surprised the French by its simplicity.
Upon this good Abbe Robin, who served as chaplain, comments ;
considering " the good Pennsylvanians as far below the French in
etiquette as the French were below them in the science of legislation.'*
Much were the French amused at what they considered the mistake of
the people, who seemed to take for a General a servant of one of the
French Grand Seigneurs. This important personage wore a short close
jacket, rich silver fringed coat, pink shoes, hat emblazoned with armo-
rial bearings and cane with enormous head, which appeared to them as
signs of high dignity. Every time, says the Abbe, that he approached
his master to receive his orders the people supposed that he went to
give them. The incident is amusing, the explanation simple. The
comments of the Abbe may be dismissed with a smile. The race of
badauds is not confined to one continent.

And here is given to complete the narrative, the American ac-
count of this military display which appeared in the Pennsylvania
Packet of the 8th September.

nil- KOl'TF. III' TIIF Air U-^ FROM CHATHAM TO HEAD OF F.LK

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY 1 7

" Last Wednesday afternoon His Most Christian Majesty's regiment
of Soissonnais was exercised on the commons near this city in the pres-
ence of their Excellencies the President of Congress, the Minister of
France, and the Count de Rochambeau, General Chattelaux, M. de
Marbois, and a vast concourse of the inhabitants, who expressed the
highest satisfaction at the various evolutions and firings exhibited by
this truly veteran corps, which was accompanied by four field pieces.
And we are happy to assure the public of the great harmony which
exists between all ranks of the allied army ; and it is a fact too deeply
impressed on the heart of every honest American to need our mention-
ing the great affection shown by the people individually, as well as at
large, toward these troops. It is with much pleasure we also relate that
no accident happened on the above occasion."

The day so happily opened closed with a joyous enthusiasm to
which there had been no parallel in Philadelphia since the remarkable
fourth of July, 1776. Then the excitement, though founded on fixed
purpose and high motive, was yet tinged with gloom ; now suddenly all
apprehensions were dispelled and independence seemed to be assured.

At the close of the manoeuvres the Chevalier de la Luzerne, whose
state and hospitality were princely, invited the French officers to dine.
Hardly were the guests seated when a courier arrived. The dispatch
was handed to the Chevalier. It contained the announcement of the
arrival in the Chesapeake of the Count de Grasse with thirty-six ships
of the line and three thousand troops, who had already landed and
opened communication with the Marquis de Lafayette. Impossible to
describe the enthusiasm of the officers. Healths were drunk in rapid
succession; notably that of the Duke de Castries, the French Minister
of Marine, to which the presence of his son the Count de Charlus,
Colonel in second of the Regiment of Saintonge, gave peculiar zest.
While the gayety was at its height, Mr. Thompson, the Secretary of
Congress, arrived to tender his congratulations. His thin and wrinkled
face, his deep sunk and sparkling eyes, and straight white hair, worn
plain and hardly reaching his ears, and his plain costume, attracted the
attention of the company, and presented a strong contrast to their
courtly costumes, with gay colors, periwigs military decorations and
knightly orders.

The joyful news of the arrival of the fleet and the blockade of the
Chesapeake soon spread through the city, the excited population of
which thronged to the hotel of the Minister with shouts of Vive ie Roi !
Our histories preserve but slight details of these popular outbursts, but

1 8 THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY

in this time of centennial remembrance which mark the anniversaries
of these gala days, those of 1781 will surely not be forgotten by the
patriotic city of Philadelphia.

THE ROUTE FROM PHILADELPHIA TO ELK RIVER

The light troops under Scammel, which passed through Philadelphia,
on the 2d September, went into camp on the banks of the Schuylkill.
On the 3d they marched ten miles and encamped about three miles
above Chester. The next day they marched through Chester, Brandy-
wine and Wilmington, and on the 5th through Christiana, where was
the park of artillery which had been brought down by boats. Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Stevens, of Lamb's regiment, and its active officer, in conse-
quence of the invalid condition of the Colonel, was in charge. .

On the morning of the 5th the entire American force having passed
Philadelphia, the French arrived and in camp, and the necessary
arrangements " in a tolerable train," Washington left for the head of
Elk to hasten the embarkation there. At Chester, fifteen miles distant,
he was met by a courier from General Gist, who was at Baltimore,
dated the day before (the 4th), announcing the arrival there of the Ser-
pent cutter, Captain Arne de Laune, with dispatches from the Count de
Grasse, who had arrived in Chesapeake Bay on the 26th, and the next day
landed his troops and taken station with his ships from the middle ground
to Cape Henry. As the French-officer who bore the dispatches was not
in readiness to continue his journey immediately, General Gist gave a
circumstantial account of the number of vessels and their further
movements, and announced that he had ordered all the vessels in
Baltimore harbor to sail immediately to the head of Elk to receive the
troops. Washington instantly sent a courier to the President of Con-
gress with the joyful news, the effect of which has already been related.
Fortunately and of great value, as showing an insight into Washington's
nature, there is contemporaneous testimony to his feelings on this
occasion.

Not waiting to take part in the military display of the day, or the
festivities at the hotel of the Ambassador in the evening, Count de
Rochambeau, who was as fully alive as Washington himself to the value
of time, the most important factor in military problems, marched his first
division early in the morning of the 5th to Chester. But desirous of
examining the position of Mud Island and Red Bank, he sailed down
the Delaware by boat, accompanied by M. de Mauduit, the hero of
Red Bank in the famous defence of 1777 against Donop and his Hes-

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING'S FERRY 19

sians. The fort was no longer standing, and Fort Mifflin, on the right
bank, was not as yet finished. Continuing his route by water, de Ro-
chambeau drew near to Chester, when his attention was attracted by
Washington standing on the bank and waving his hat with signs of
delight. The Duke de Deux-Ponts testifies to the manner in which
Washington's bearing affected him on this occasion. " Cold by nature," he
says " and of a grave and noble demeanor, which in him is only the true
dignity becoming the head of an entire nation, his features, his counte-
nance, his manner immediately changed. He threw off his character as
arbiter of North America, and was for a moment content with that of
a citizen, happy in the good fortune of his country. A child, whose
wishes had been satisfied, could not have experienced a more lively
sensation of pleasure, and I think I am honoring the feelings of this
rare man in seeking to describe them in all their vivacity."

De Rochambeau was equally delighted, and the young officers, who
saw near triumph, glory and reward in the almost certain capture of
Cornwallis, were wild with joy. On the 6th the march was continued to
the pretty town of Wilmington, eleven miles distant, over an extremely
fine road. The French staff officers again turned aside to visit the battle-
field of Brandywine, where Lafayette first distinguished himself as an
officer, and the next day (the 7th) the first division crossed Chris-
tiana Bridge and marched to Elktown, where they were joined the day
after by the second division, which arrived full of the same ardor to
reach the enemy and close the campaign. i\t Elktown, Washington,
finding a great deficiency in transports, brought to the remedy his own
commanding personal influence, writing numerous letters to gentlemen
of position on the eastern shore, " beseeching them," to use his own
words, "to exert themselves in drawing forth every kind of vessel
which would answer the purpose." None of these letters appear in
Sparks' writings of Washington, nor have recent researches brought
any of them to light, but there is hope that the new interest awakened
in this interesting period of our history may draw these invaluable doc-
uments from their resting places. He then agreed with de Rochambeau
that the first embarkation should consist of one thousand of the Amer-
ican troops, including Lamb's regiment of artillery, and the grenadiers
and chasseurs of the brigade of Bourbonnois, with the infantry of de
Lauzun, while the remainder of the troops should continue their march
to Baltimore by land or water, according to circumstances, and the
cavalry and necessary teams of both armies should go round by land.

These dispositions made, and feeling his presence to be necessary

THE ROUTE OF THE ALLIES FROM KING S FERRY

with the army in Virginia, Washington set out on the 8th for the camp
of the Marquis de Lafayette, accompanied by the Count de Rocham-
beau, the Chevalier de Chastellux and the Counts de Fersen and de
Damas of the French general staff.

Military records present no account of a combined movement of
troops of different nationalities executed with more order and precision
than this historic march from the embattled cliffs of the Hudson to the
quiet waters of the Head of Elk.

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS

OLD KING'S FERRY AT STONY POINT, N. Y.

SMITH'S HOUSE AT HAVERSTRAW, N. Y.

WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS

Between two and three miles above the village of Haverstraw, on
the west side of the road leading to Stony Point, stands the old Smith
mansion, memorable as the house wherein Andre and Arnold met to
concert the details of the latter's treason. It is a square, two-storied
stone house, with wooden wings, and looks out from an eminence above
the road over many a mile of woodland, field and river. A dwelling of
considerable size and elegance, it was well known in the Revolution,
and " Smith's White House," as it was called, would still be remembered
in connection with the contest, even apart from the story of the traitor
and the spy.

There were three brothers of the Smith family residing at Haver-
straw when the war broke out. Their father, the Hon. William Smith,
an eminent lawyer and member of the Council, emigrated from Buck-
inghamshire, England, in 171 5, and died in 1769. Of his sons, all men
of position and influence in the colony, the best known was William,
the historian and renowned Tory Chief Justice of New York. Judge
Smith seems to have wavered at first in his espousal of the royal side.
September 24, 1776, Try on wrote to Lord George Germaine that Smith
had withdrawn to his plantation up the North River, and had not been
seen or heard from in five months. Suspected by the Committee of
Safety, his house at Haverstraw was considered to be in too close prox-
imity to New York city, and he accordingly was ordered to reside at
Livingston manor, whence we find him writing to Schuyler, in Decem-
ber, 1777, begging for some books to read : " Anything, French or Eng-
lish, provided it be neither law nor mathematics, nor anything in favor
of a Republican form of government." 1 Later he came to be looked
on by the Whigs as an arch-enemy. September 15, 1780, only eight
days before Andre's capture, Thomas Smith asked the privilege of an
interview with his brother in reference to family affairs — a request
which was peremptorily refused by Governor Clinton (to whom the
petition was addressed) on the ground that it was his duty to pre-
vent any communication with him. Thomas Smith is said to have

22 SMITH'S HOUSE AT HAVERSTRAW

been the only one of the three who professed attachment to the Ameri-
can cause. This, however, is hardly correct, as Joshua Hett Smith, the
remaining brother, was a member of the Provincial Convention of New
York, which declared Independence, and in his trial brought forward
testimony to his general character in favor of the country. Another
witness testified that his character at New York stood very high' as a
Whig. He it was that later become Arnold's associate and tool. He
was, it is said, a physician. There would seem to have been another
of the Smiths in London at the time " charged with seditious practices
there," and it may be this person to whom Dunlap (History of the
Arts of Design, I., 145) refers, as living at a most extraordinary age at
Florence in 1834. It is, however, with Joshua Hett Smith only that we
have to do.

Arnold having resolved on a personal interview with Andre inside
our lines, at once selected Smith's house as the place and its owner as
his go-between. Early in the war Smith had more than once been in
communication with General Robert Howe, of the Continental Army,
who recommended him to Arnold as a man worthy of confidence, and
one from whom valuable aid might be expected. The motives which
led the traitor to choose Smith as his agent in the Andre affair can only
be surmised ; whatever they were, they must have been sufficient, for
Smith appears to have entered into the arrangement with alacrity.
Andre, after receiving Clinton's instructions in regard to his mission,
among which were strict injunctions not to part with his uniform or
receive any papers, left New York on the morning of the 20th of
September and proceeded up the river to join the Vulture, which he
boarded that evening near Haverstraw Bay, where he passed the night
awaiting the expected messenger from Arnold, but none made their
appearance. On the next night, however, the 21st, the long-delayed
envoy arrived.

Smith had taken the precaution to send his family on a visit to their
relations in Fishkill, and his house being empty, he was joined by
Arnold on the 21st. The latter, before reaching the house, had sent a
messenger to Continental Village, near Peekskill, with orders to bring
down a rowboat to Stony Point, and directed Major Kierse, the quar-
termaster there, to send the boat immediately upon its arrival to a cer-
tain place he designated in Haverstraw Creek. Arnold had resolved
that Smith should take this boat, go to the Vulture, and bring Andre on
shore at a place about two miles below Haverstraw, the foot of one of
the spurs of Torn Mountain, a gloomy, solitary spot, where they could

SMITH S HOUSE AT HAVERSTRAW 23

confer together without fear of interruption. Accordingly, Arnold at
nightfall proceeded to this place on horseback, accompanied by a negro
servant of Smith, there to await the arrival of the latter with Andre.

All was now ready. Smith had secured the services of two of his
tenants, Samuel and Joseph Colquhoun, as oarsmen, and towards mid-
night they pulled softly with muffled oars out of Haverstraw Creek. It
was a clear, starlit night, with the tide in their favor. They glided along
in the deep shadow's of the hills on the shore, and the five miles or
more between them and the Vulture were soon passed over. As they
approached the vessel, they were hailed from her deck and asked who
they were and whither they were going. Smith, who was seated in the
stern, answered that they were from King's Ferry and were bound for
Dobbs' Ferry. The three men stood up in the boat warding it off from
the ship's side, and while the startled watcher was abusing the oarsmen
for daring to come so near the vessel at such an hour, a boy appeared
from the cabin with orders from the captain that the man was to come
on board. Smith, accordingly, climbed up on to the deck and descended
to the cabin. On entering, he found Beverley Robinson, whom he well
knew, who introduced him to Captain Sutherland, who was lying ill in
a berth. Robinson, no doubt, expected Arnold himself, but Smith was
the bearer of a letter from him, which he delivered. This letter was so
artfully worded, that there would have been no danger had it fallen
into other hands than those for whom it was intended. Robinson, after
reading it, left the room (with an apology to Smith for absenting him-
self for a short time), and went to show the letter to Andre, who was in
bed. After some discussion, it was decided that the latter should accom-
pany Smith on shore. Robinson, accordingly, returned to the cabin
with Andre, who was introduced to Smith as Mr. Anderson, Robinson
adding at the same time that as his own health would not permit him to
go ashore, this gentleman would go in his place. Andre was dressed
in his uniform, but had on a long blue coat over it, so that his dress was
not visible, and Smith affirmed to the end of his life that he had no sus-
picion of the stranger's real rank and name. As there was an evident
distrust on the part of Robinson in regard to anybody going ashore
from the vessel, Captain Sutherland proposed that one of his own boats,
manned by an armed crew, should go and tow the other, but this sug-
gestion, for some reason, was not complied with. Some of the Vulture's
men, who had found their way into Smith's boat to chat with the two
Colquhoun's, were now ordered out of it, and Andre and Smith got in
and took their seats. Little was said but a few remarks about the

24 smith's house at haverstraw

weather as they rowed towards the shore where Arnold was expecting
them. As the prow of the boat grated on the strand, Smith jumped
out and, groping his way up amongst the dense growth of trees and
bushes on the bank, found where Arnold was ; to which place, after
returning to the shore, he conducted Andre, and then, at Arnold's
request, left them to confer together and rejoined the men waiting in
the boat.

Slowly passed the waning hours of the night. The boatmen laid
themselves down and slept, but Smith could not. Racked in body by a
tertian ague, with a mind disturbed by the business in which he was
taking part, but of which, however much he did know, he could not
have known all, he anxiously awaited the termination of the interview.

At last, wearied out, he sought the two conspirators and informed
them that the day was breaking, and it would not do for the boat to be
seen where it was after the dawn. His own statement is that upon this
intimation both Andre and Arnold joined him in urging the two men
to row the former back to the Vulture, but that they refused, saying
they were fatigued. The men themselves, however, testified on Smith's
trial that they did not see Arnold at all, they only heard a noise as of
a man hidden in the bushes.

The true reason why Andre did not return to the Vulture that night
is probably that the details of the affair were not yet settled. However
this may be, it was finally decided that he should accompany Arnold to
Smith's house, and that Smith and the waterman should row the boat
up to Crom Island in Haverstraw Creek. Accordingly, the two officers
emerged from the wood into the main road, where Smith's servant was
stationed with the horses. Andre, mounting the negro's horse, rode
along in the darkness by Arnold's side towards the Smith house.
Between them and their destination lay the village of Haverstraw. As
they entered it, the stillness of the early morning was broken by the call
of a sentry demanding the countersign. This was the first intimation to
Andre that he was within the American lines. It was now too late for
him to withdraw, and the pair soon after arrived at Smith's house, which
they reached at daylight. They had scarcely entered the house when
the report of a cannon was heard echoing along the river from the
direction of Teller's Point, and Andre, hurrying to one of the front
windows, saw that a fire had been opened on the Vulture (which was
full in view), and in a short period, to his dismay, the vessel dropped
down the river out of sight.

It seems that Colonel Livingston, commanding at Verplanck's Point,

w
5

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o

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smith's house at haverstraw 25

having become disturbed by the Vulture's prolonged stay in such near
proximity to the American works, planted a small field piece on Gallows'
Point (a promontory at the end of Teller's Point), and with it opened
such a cannonnade on the vessel that for a time, before she could slip
her moorings, it appeared as if she was on fire. However annoying this
proceeding must have been to the plotters at Smith's house, they sat
down to breakfast, which was now ready, and during the meal kept up
a conversation on indifferent subjects. After it was over, Andre and
Arnold repaired to a room in the second story, where, secure from
interruption, they arranged the particulars of the treason. Exactly what
was said and agreed upon between the two can never be known. There
is little doubt, however, that Arnold stipulated for a very large sum of
money for himself in the event of success, and that he moreover settled
the plan for the capture of West Point. The post was to be weakened
in every possible way. The British were to be ready at a given signal
to ascend the river and make an attack at once by land and water.

The morning was wearing away, and towards ten o'clock Arnold
prepared to return in his barge to his headquarters. 2 Before going, he
gave Andre a number of plans and specifications, which had been used
in their conference, which the latter placed between his stockings and
feet. Andre supposed, of course, he was to be taken back to the Vul-
ture the way he came, and such seems to have been the understanding
when Arnold left him. In any event, the traitor had given him three
passports for himself and Smith to use in either route they might con-
clude to take, by land or water.

After Arnold's departure they seem to have made an attempt to
obtain possession of a uniform coat belonging to Lieutenant John Webb,
of our army, in the keeping of Mrs. Beekman, at the old Philipse castle
in Sleepy Hollow. But the lady, suspecting something wrong, refused
to deliver it up. Smith avowed his unwillingness to return to the Vul-
ture, but offered to accompany Andre part of the way should he take
a land route. The reason given by Smith for refusing to take Andre
back to the Vulture was the state of his own health, from fever and
ague. But this excuse, as Sparks observes, was absurd. That a man,
afraid to sit an hour or two in a boat for fear of being ill, should yet be
willing to mount a horse and ride many miles on an autumn night, is
mere foolishness. The fact is, that the whole proceedings of Smith
in the affair are mysterious and inexplicable, and the confused statements
of his narrative, generally at variance with the testimony elicited on his
trial, serve only to deepen the obscurity of his actions.

26 smith's house at haverstraw

But, whatever may be thought of him, he evidently wished to rid
himself of his guest, whom he at last persuaded to attempt the mad
project of crossing the river and trying to ride down through our lines
in Westchester County. Accordingly, towards nightfall, Andre, Smith
and the latter's black servant, started from the house. Arnold had
prevailed on Andre to change his military uniform for a citizen's dress
furnished by Smith. Few words were spoken by Andre as they rode
along towards Stony Point to take the King's Ferry across, but Smith
had much to say to various acquaintances he met on the road, and even
stopped at a sutler's tent to partake of a bowl of punch, his companion
meanwhile riding slowly on. Judge Allison, of Haverstraw, now living
at the age of eighty-eight, states that in the early part of this century
he knew a man who had been a soldier at Stony Point in the Revolu-
tion. This person related that he was on duty as a guard when Smith
and another (whom he afterwards heard was Andre) passing along the
road, met the commander of the post and his adjutant coming out
from the works. Smith expressed his desire to cross the river, and
asked if they could get over, to which the adjutant replied that if they
hurried they could catch the Government boat which was just about
to go.

Darkness was closing in on the Hudson when they crossed the river.
William Van Wert, the ferry-master at the King's Ferry, testified on
Smith's trial : " Mr. Smith crossed the King's Ferry from Stony Point
to Verplanck's Point on the evening of a day in the week before last,
in company with another man, and a negro boy was with him ; each of
them had a horse. The day of the month I do not recollect. I have
not seen the person since to know him. He had a black, blue or brown
great coat on, a round hat and a pair of boots. I did not hear any
conversation pass between Mr. Smith and the person in the boat, neither
did I hear Mr. Smith say wnich way he was going. Mr. Smith seemed
to hurry us a good deal. Cornelius Lambert, Henry Lambert and
Lambert Lambert, were boatmen along with me."

Up from the landing-place at Verplanck's a long lane, still known
as the " Old King's Ferry Road," led into the post-road. It was
probably at the entrance to this lane that the sign-board stood, bearing
the inscription —

11 Dishc His di Roode toe de Xs king's Farry."

There were two ways to reach Crompond from here. One was to take
the post-road up to Peekskill and proceed from there ; the other was to

SMITH'S HOUSE AT HAVERSTRAW 2J

take a road which diverged from the post-road a short distance below
Verplanck's, and which, leading to the northeast, opened into the Crum-
pond road between that place and Peekskill. Which one of these routes
was selected by Smith and Andre cannot now be told, but it was prob-
ably the latter one. Their movements for an hour or two after they
landed on the east side of the river are uncertain. My own supposition
is that their first intention was to take the post-road itself straight
down to New York, and that after riding down it some little distance
they changed their minds and concluded to shape their course further
in to the interior of the country. Between eight and nine o'clock that
night they were stopped by a patrol on the road which leads from
Peekskill east to Crumpond and about three or four miles from the
former place Smith, on being challenged, dismounted from his horse,
and, walking forward, asked who commanded the party. He was
answered, " Captain Boyd," who at once approached, and enquired
of Smith who he was, where he belonged, and what he and his com-
panions were doing out on the road at such an hour. Smith answered
the Captain that they had a pass from General Arnold, and were going
as far that night as either Colonel Drake's or Major Strang's, but this
proved to be an unlucky reply for Smith, for Boyd immediately told
him that Major Strang was away from home and Colonel Drake had
moved to another part of the country. Boyd now demanded to see the
pass, and they accordingly proceeded to a house near by where it was
produced, and the Captain scrutinized it by a light. He was satisfied,
but his suspicion now gave place to inquisitiveness. He became very
curious to know what errand they could be journeying on so late at
night. Smith told him that he and his companion, whom he called
" Mr. Anderson," were employed to procure intelligence for General
Arnold, and were going to meet a man at White Plains for that purpose.
Boyd then endeavored to dissuade Smith from riding any further that
night, and at last his arguments, greatly to Andre's annoyance, were
successful.

It is not quite clear where Andre and Smith passed the night.
According to the testimony of Captain Boyd, given on Smith's trial,
they turned back by his advice to the house of one Andreas Miller, who
lived but a little way off. Smith, in his narrative, disagreeing, as
usual, with the evidence brought forward on his trial, says, that five or
six miles below Verplanck's they were challenged by Captain Bull, and
returned, by his advice, several miles to a tavern kept by a man called
McCoy. Both of these names are common in the neighborhood. Bol-

28 smith's house at haverstraw

ton, in his History of Westchester County, published in 1848, gives no
information concerning' the matter. The statement of Boyd was
undoubtedly correct, and the house must have been on the Crumpond
road between three and four miles out from Peekskill. Mr. Stephen H.
Knapp, of Crumpond, whose family have long been settled in the
vicinity, in a letter before me, dated in February of the present year,
writes: "My father (Benjamin Knapp), who, if living now, would be
ninety-nine years of age, has often pointed out to me the spot where the
house stood in which Major Andre slept the night before his capture.
The house was on what is known as the Levi Bailey place in Yorktown;
on the south side of the Crumpond road, beside a small ravine, and only
two or three rods east of the dwelling now standing on that place.
Andreas Miller lived in the house at that time, but who was the actual
owner I cannot say."

It was a restless night for both of the travellers, and at the first indi-
cation of dawn they were up and in the saddle again. Before leaving
Crumpond, according to the authority of General Pierre Van Cort-
landt, they met with another challenge. This time from a sentinel in
the road, who took them to his officer, Ebenezer Foote (afterwards first
Judge of Delaware County), who had a guard near by. Mr. Foote sub-
sequently informed General Van Cortlandt that it was so early in the
morning that he could not read the pass without the aid of a light burn-
ing in the room. Smith made particular enquiry how our troops were
stationed. Foote told him that we had no troops on the line except
Col. Jameson's, and that they were at Robin's Mills (a place now called
Kensico). Smith further inquired (for Andre said nothing), whether, if
they went by way of Sing Sing to White Plains, they would meet with
any of our troops. To which Foote replied, none, except Jameson's, and
told them that if they would call on Jameson he would send an escort
with them to White Plains.

It was by this time daylight, and they resumed their way, Andre
now talking freely on various subjects to Smith, and occasionally
expressing his admiration of the blue peaks of the Highlands, seen in
the far distance, uplifting themselves in the bright light of the morn-
ing sun. So they rode along the Crumpond road, up the steep hill and
by the ruins of Yorktown church, destroyed by fire the year before.
Somewhere here Andre was dismayed at suddenly seeing coming Col.
Samuel B. Webb, of our army. Col. Webb had been captured by the
British and held prisoner in New York for a long period. His exer-
tions to secure an exchange of prisoners had brought him into personal

smith's house at haverstraw 29

contact with the higher officers of the British Army. Andre after-
wards said the Colonel stared at him and he thought he was lost; but
thev kept moving and soon passed each other. As they went by Major
Strang's house on the Pine's Bridge road, it is said they were noticed
by the inmates, who supposed them to be Continental officers. A little
below this they stopped to breakfast, and here Smith avowed his inten-
tion of leaving his companion to make his way down alone. The under-
standing had been that Smith was to go all the way with him to White
Plains, and if this had been done Andre would probably never have
been taken. This was not to be. Yet Andre himself, for many reasons,
must have been glad to be rid of his fellow-traveller, and they parted
with mutual good wishes ; Andre charging himself with some messages
to Smith's brother, the Chief Justice of New Tork.

The small farm-house in which they breakfasted still stands on the
west side of the Pine's Bridge road, between two and three miles above
the bridge. It has been somewhat altered in appearance since that
period, the door, which then opened on the road, now being at the side
of the house; but the room is still shown, comparatively unchanged,
where Andre and Smith were. At that time the house was occupied
by Isaac Underhill and his wife, Sarah, the daughter of Robert Field.
A few days previous to the event Mrs. Underhill had visited headquar-
ters to recover some cattle carried off by a band of marauders, and on
the morning in question had nothing to give the two but hasty pudding
and milk. She noticed that Andre seemed nervous and confused, and
acted as if anxious to be gone.

The British Adjutant-General, left to himself, crossed the Croton at
Pine's Bridge, and followed the road leading south from the bridge.
David Hammond, of North Castle, who was living in 1847, at an
advanced age, stated that on the morning Andre was taken prisoner,
he was standing at the door of his father's (Staats Hammond) house
when he observed a person approaching on horseback. The stranger
was enveloped in a light blue swan's down cloak, with high military
boots, and rode a beautiful bay horse whose mane was thickly matted
with burs. He asked for a drink, and it was given to him from the well.
After drinking, Andre (for he it was) turned to Mrs. Hammond and
asked the distance to Tarrytown. She replied, " Four miles." " I did
not think it was so far," said he. Continuing on his way till near
Chappaqua, he took a road which leads to the west, and came out into
the New York post-road a short distance above Tarrytown, at which
place he was captured.

30 smith's house at haverstraw

Joshua Hett Smith, after parting from Andre, hastened with his servant
back to Peekskill, and from there to Fishkill, where he had left his
family at the house of his brother-in-law, four days before. His route
leading by the Robinson house, Arnold's headquarters, he stopped and
informed the latter where he had left Andre, with which, according to
Smith's own assertion, Arnold expressed himself as perfectly satisfied.
In the evening of the day on which he parted from Andre, Smith had
the impudence to pay a visit to General Washington, who was stopping
at the house of Dr. McKnight, on his way to Robinson's House ; he was
returning from his conference with Rochambeau at Hartford. Smith
supped at the house. Washington came out for a few moments after
supper.

On the night of the following Monday, the 25th of September,
Smith was arrested at Fishkill, by Colonel Gouvion, a French officer,
whom Washington had sent for the purpose, and conveyed early in the
morning to Robinson's house ; where Andre was also brought. From
there they were taken across the river to West Point. It is not known
where they were confined at West Point, but it certainly was not, as
popularly believed, in the powder magazine at Fort Putnam, for that
work was rebuilding at the time.

On the 27th Washington despatched orders to Greene, at Tappan,
to be ready to receive the prisoners on the following day. " I wish you
to have separate houses in camp for their reception," he wrote. " They
have not been permitted to be together and must still be kept apart."

The morning of the 28th, Smith and Andre were brought down to
the landing place at West Point amongst a crowd of officers. Smith, on
seeing Andre, extended his hand, and was about to address him, but
was told by Tallmadge that no conversation was to be permitted
between them. Each was placed in an armed barge and taken down
the river to King's Ferry dock at Stony Point, where they disem-
barked. Here a detachment of the Second Light Dragoons was in
waiting to convey them to their destination. At the house of Mr. John
Coe, in the Clove at Kakiat, they halted to dine. After dinner they
resumed their journey, and at dusk arrived at Tappan, where Smith
was locked up in the church for the night, Andre being confined in
the house of Casparus Mabie, a stone building still standing on the west
side of the main road, a short distance south of the church. The church
was torn down in 1836, and the present building erected on its site.

Smith was tried by a court-martial which assembled on Saturday,
the 30th of September, and continued by adjournments for about four

smith's house at haverstraw 31

weeks. The charge against him was, " For aiding and assisting Bene-
dict Arnold, late Major-General in our service, in a combination with
the enemv to take, kill and seize such of the loyal citizens or soldiers of
these United States, as were in garrison at West Point and its depen-
dencies."

There were a great many witnesses examined. Smith drew up in
writing a defense which he read to the court, objecting to its jurisdic-
tion on the ground that it was a military tribunal, and as such not
qualified to try a civilian. The finding of the court was, that while it
appeared that Smith no doubt aided and assisted Arnold, there was no
positive evidence to show that he had any knowledge of the traitor's
designs. He was, therefore, acquitted. Smith, after being released by
the court-martial, was arrested by the civil authorities and imprisoned
in Goshen jail. There is still preserved a letter written by him, while
in the jail, to Governor Clinton, complaining that his health was being
injured by confinement. After remaining there several months, without
a trial, he contrived to make his escape, and made his way, sometimes
disguised as a woman, through the country to Paulus Hook, and from
there to New York. At the close of the war he went to England, where
he published his "Authentic Narrative of the Causes which led to the
Death of Major Andre." 3

Smith's house, its owner being in trouble, occasionally served as
quarters for our officers. Generals Wayne and Irvine were there on
the 27th of September, 1780, two days after Smith's arrest, and there in
the following summer Washington had his headquarters when on his
way to the capture of Cornwallis. In the intervals of such occupation
it seems to have stood solitary and abandoned, for Chastellux, who
passed it while its proprietor was still in prison, said the house was so
deserted that there was not a single person to take care of it, although
it was the mansion of a large farm.

From the Smiths the property passed into the possession of a family
named Nicoll; from them to William C. Houseman, and later to Adam
Lilburn, the present occupant. Mr. Lilburn has obliged me with the
following particulars : There is no reliable information as to the exact
time the house was built, but it must have been long anterior to the
Revolution. Tradition savs Aaron Burr studied law in this house with
Thomas Smith. There was an old stone house erected before this one,
used by the slaves and for a kitchen, which I was compelled to take
down, as it was in a falling condition." In the narrative already men-
tioned Smith savs that the name of the estate was u Belmont," but I have

32 smith's house at haverstraw

not met with this designation of the house or grounds elsewhere.
Smith's White House is the usual name.

Joshua Hett and Thomas Smith both resided, for a time at least, in
this house, and on the map made by Major Villefranche in 1780, it
appears as " T. Smith's." These names also appear in Erskine's map
of 1779. O n the same map, next to it, is laid down another house as
" W. Smith's." This latter was a wooden house and stood south of the
Joshua-Hett-Smith house, on the same ridge of land. It was long ago
destroyed by fire.

The interior of the house is spacious and handsome. The room the
plotters were in is the southwest corner of the second story. In this
room, it is believed, Andre changed his dress, and here still stands the
wardrobe in which he deposited his uniform, and where it was found
by Captain Cairnes, of Lee's Light Horse, who brought the order for
it from Joshua Hett Smith to the house of his brother Thomas, where the
the Captain was quartered. Mr. Lilburn states : " The mansion is in
excellent preservation. In it there is a marble mantel-piece, of a style
that would reach back 150 years or more. One of the same pattern is
in the Philipse manor-hall at Yonkers ; but the ceilings of this house
are higher. The house is 45 by 55 feet in size, and was evidently built
by men of uncommon taste and culture."

The outlook from the house is of great beauty. South, over the
roofs and steeples of Haverstraw, can be seen looming the High Torn
Mountain, at whose foot Arnold met the spy. Teller's Point, off which
the Vulture lay, is full in view, and a long sweep of the Hudson; from
where it widens into Haverstraw Bay upjio Seylmaker's Reach, one of
the ancient reaches of the river, a point where the eye looking north-
ward sees no break in the mountains to denote its course.

" Never," wrote Smith long years after Major Andre was in the
grave, " can my memory cease to record the impassioned language of his
countenance and the energy with which he expressed his wish to be on
board the Vulture, when viewing that ship from an upper window of my
house." In the pen and ink sketch of the midnight journey from the Vul-
ture to the shore, which Andre drew the day before his execution, and
which was found among his papers after his death, we see in the distance
the Smith house. The shadows lie darkly upon it in the picture, as if the
hapless soldier in his last hours on earth was recalling to himself the evil
day he had spent there and vainly regretting that he had ever crossed what .
to him had been indeed its fatal threshold.

CHARLES A. CAMPBELL

SMITH S HOUSE AT HAVERSTRAW

1 The letter is in the Am. Hist. Record (II., 38), edited by Benson J. Lossing, LL. D. I have
been favored by this distinguished historian with a letter containing a passage so apropos to my sub-
ject that I insert it here : " Smith was never really our Chief Justice." After he was sent within the
enemy's lines at New York he was named Chief Justice of the Province, but, as Dr. O'Callaghan
says, the appointment was never recognized. In 1786, being then in England, he was made Chief
Justice of Canada. He died in Quebec, Dec. 3, 1793.

- Smith's, story is that Andre passed the day at his house, and this would seem to be left to be
inferred in Andre's own statement to the Board of Officers. It has been suggested, however, that
Arnold took the opportunity to show the spy the West Point approaches, and this view finds
confirmation in the precise knowledge Andre showed of the locality in his conversation with
Tallmadge on his way down in the boat from West Point to Stony Point. He even pointed to
the spot where he was himself to " land with a select corps " for the American works. It is certain
that in 1825, a man named Collins stated that he had helped to row Arnold and Andre up from
Smith's to the Robinson house ; Arnold passing Andre off as one of Mrs. Arnold's relations.

3 Smith's Narrative first appeared in England, "An Authentic Narrative of the Causes which
led to the Death of Major Andre, Adjutant-General of his Majesty's forces in North America,"
by Joshua Hett Smith, Esq., Counsellor at Law, late member of the Convention of the State of
New York, to which is added a Monody on the death of Major Andre, by Miss Seward. Svo.
Matthews and Leigh, London, 1808. The next year 1809 it was reprinted for Evart Duyckinck,
No. no Pearl Street, New York. This Narrative of Smith has most justly been described as
unworthy of the least credit, except when supported by other authority. The fact is and it should
be remembered in this centenary year of the affair — that in the story of Major Andre there are
some things we do not know — that we probably never shall know. Neither on his trial, when he
was making the best case he could for himself with the Americans, nor in his book, where he
endeavored to vindicate his conduct to the British public, did Smith reveal the whole truth.
There were undoubtedly things he dared not tell, and the lips of the one other man who knew of
them were sealed in death. The remarkable suppression of all contemporary notices in the news-
papers of the day regarding Andre's fate, and the assertion of Sir Henry Clinton that he had himself
"been over every part of the ground on which the fort (West Point) stood and had of course made
myself [himself] perfectly acquainted with everything necessary for facilitating an attack upon
them," are strange and mysterious circumstances. The words above quoted are those of Sir Henry
Clinton, from his own MS. now in the John Carter Brown Library.

ANDRE'S ROOM.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY

REMAINS OF AN ANCIENT INDIAN WORK ON FISH CREEK, NEAR SARA-
TOGA SPRINGS. N. Y.

Few residents of Saratoga Springs, I presume, are aware that there
is near them one of the most interesting works of the North American
Indians, vet such is the fact : and the object of this paper is to endeavor
to describe this work, and offer a probable explanation of the uses to
which it was put.

When at Saratoga recently, Mr. Benjamin R. Viele, who resides on
the left or north bank of Fish Creek, called my attention to what he
considered an Indian work : and, accordingly, the following day, in
companv with Mr. James M. Andrews, Jr., I drove over to his house.
Mr. Viele took us in a boat across Fish Creek to the spot he had
described ; and the afternoon was spent in a careful investigation of the
work. At a point directly opposite the Viele farm-house, between the
creek and the high slate bank, on the top of which runs the road to
Victorv Mills, there is a large open swamp. In this swamp, extending
in a semi-circular form from the high bank, is a solid wall built of cobble-
stones regularly laid up, and ranging in width from six to eight feet,
enclosing an area of about one-half an acre. On each side of the wall
a pole can be run down into the marshy muck from sixteen to twenty
feet. In shape it is, as before stated, nearly a semi-circle, both ends rest-
ing on. or rather terminating at, the bank, the latter forming the base
of a segment or the chord of a circle. It is continuous save towards its
eastern extremity, where there is break or gap of some twenty -four feet.
The following diagram will make it plain to the reader :

SARATOGA \V FISH CREEK

1 AKE

SWAMP

S W AMP

HIGH BANK

ROAD TO VICTORY MILLS

ARCH-EOLOGICAL DISCOVERY

The stones with which the wall is built, have all been brought from a
field three-fourths of a mile distant. That it is not the work of the
whites, is evident from the fact — first, that the oldest settler has no
record or tradition regarding it ; and, secondly, that directly upon the
top of the wall in different places are the stumps of white oak — one of
the toughest and least decayable of our forest trees. The stumps them-
selves are — so Mr. Viele, a man of unusual observation in matters of
woodcraft, avers — at least fifty years old ; while their rings indicate an
age of two centuries. The wall has so sunk that at present it is but two
feet above the water of the swamp. ^ ^ *\ \H

The question now arises: for what purpose was this wall tfuilt ?
Surely not for protection against an enemy, for the Iroquois in their
strongholds always selected those sites with a view to having the natural
features of the country aid their artificial defences. Hence, if they had
designed this for a fortification, the high ground south of the wall would
undoubtedly have been selected.

That it was, however, meant to serve some important purpose, is
evident from the great labor involved in its construction. To a nomad
people, accustomed to depend almost solely on the uncertainties of the
chase for support, the question of food for use in their warlike expedi-
tions was of the first consequence.

Now, the plan pursued by them in hunting deer and other wild
animals, as described by an early Jesuit missionary, Father Brule, who
lived among them in the 17th century, was, in the words of Francis
Parkman, as follows :

u On the borders of a neighboring river twenty -five of the Indians
had been busied ten davs in preparing for their annual deer-hunt. They
planted posts, interlaced with boughs, in two straight, converging lines,
each extending more than half a mile through forests and swamps. At
the angle where they met was made a strong enclosure, like a pound.
At dawn of day the hunters spread themselves through the woods, and
advanced with shouts and clattering of sticks, driving the deer before
them into the enclosure, where others lay in wait to dispatch them with
arrows and spears."

Our belief, therefore, is that the same plan was followed in the tak g
of rish ; and that this enclosure was designed simply as a large trap in
which to catch great quantities of that game, to be afterwards smoked
and laid aside for the year's food. It is a well known fact that in colonial
times, before the mills and dams were erected at Schuylerville by Gene-
ral Philip Schuyler in 1760, herring and shad in immense schools were

36 ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY

in the habit of running- up the Hudson in the spring into Fish Creek
(hence the name), and thence through Lake Saratoga and the Kayaderos-
seras even to Rock City Falls.* At this season of the year the swamp
along the sides of the creek is overflowed to the depth of several feet.

Is it, then, not possible, probable even, that the Indians at this time
of the year in their canoes beat the creek until, approaching nearer and
nearer, large quantities of herring and shad would be driven through
the gap in the wall into and within the inclosure ? And this appears
the more reasonable when it is remembered that fish, season after
season, have their " run-ways" as well as deer. Observation had prob-
ably shown the Indians that the fish at this part of the creek came
across from the north to the south bank, and hence the opening left
directly opposite this angle of the stream, thus affording the more easy
driving of the fish into the inclosure. Then, having driven the fish into
this immense " eel-pot " and closed the gap with brush, they could at
their convenience either scoop them up or, awaiting the subsidence of
the water, capture the fish thus left high and dry, an easy prize.

Nor is it necessary even to assume that high water, then as now,
covered the swamp in the spring. The lay of the land and the observa-
tions of the settlers for the last seventy-five years, clearly show that the
creek formerly washed the high bank seen in the above sketch, and that
it has gradually been filling in. Indeed, every few years the Victory
Mills Company are obliged to dredge out the creek to keep the supply
of water from failing. This tallies also with my own observation ; for a
spot in the middle of the creek over which, fifteen years since, I anchored
my boat in ten feet of water, has now become a bank of mud rising a
foot above the water. The rapidity of this filling-in process would seem
to show that when the wall was erected it was built in the shallow water
of the stream — a supposition which makes the use to which the inclosure
was put, as before hinted, still more probable.

I offer these suggestions to the readers of the Magazine of Ameri-
can History simply in the hope that if any one has another theory to
offer he will do so; for every effort to solve a question of this kind
should be eagerly welcomed. In the present age of archaeological
investigation, any fact that throws light upon the customs and habits of
the aboriginals must be of great value.

WILLIAM L. STONE

* Mr. Henry Wagman, of Old Saratoga, informs me that when his grandmother first came into
the country she and the neighbors were in the habit of scooping up in their aprons out of Fish
Creek quantities of those fish.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

JOURNAL
MISS POWELL

OF A TOUR FROM MONTREAL TO DETROIT
I789

Preliminary Note. — Ann Powell, the
author of the following pages, was the
daughter of John Powell, and was born
in Boston, Province of Massachusetts
Bay, 1769. Her grandfather of the same
name came from England as Secretary
of Lt. Gov. Dummer, and married his
sister, Ann Dummer, and also sister of
the celebrated Jeremiah Dummer, agent
for Massachusetts Bay at the Court of
Queen Ann. Their eldest son, Wm.
Dummer Powell, married Janet Grant,
sister of Sir Alexander Grant. Their
eldest son, John Powell, was born in
Boston, Massachusetts Bay, in 1755.
At the age of nine years he was sent to
England to the care of his maternal
uncle, Sir A. Grant, and placed at school
at Tunbridge, Kent. From thence he
was sent to Holland to acquire the-
French and Dutch languages, and in
1772 rejoined his parents in Boston. In
1775 he married Ann Murray, daughter
of J. Murray, M. D., of Norwich, Eng-
land, then on a visit to Mrs. Inman in
Boston.

Previously to the breaking out of the
war in 1775, he had taken the side of
the loyalists, and been declared an alien.
During a short residence in Lower
Canada, he was instrumental in obtain-
ing for the N. E. loyalists settled in that
Province, an assimilation of the English
law, which was at that time needed, and
which led ultimately to the constitutional
Act 31, George 3d, now in force.
When in England in 1782, he was

called to the Bar and became a Barrister
of the Middle Temple. He was appointed
Puisne Judge after his return to Mon-
treal, and the Journal describes the
tedious journey to Detroit which suc-
ceeded.

On the removal of the Courts from
Detroit he removed to Newark, now
Niagara, until the establishment of the
seat of Government at York, now
Toronto. He became Chief Justice in
1816, and Ex-officio Speaker of the
Legislative and President of the Execu-
tive Councils of Upper Canada. Re-
signed his office in 1825, and after three
years spent in England accompanied by
his wife and daughter, with his relations,
he passed a quiet life at Toronto, and
died there in 1834, in his 79th year.
His widow survived him, and died in
1849, m ner 95 tn year.

His sister, Anna Powell, married Mr.
Isaac Winslow Clark, and passed her
brief married life at Montreal. Mr.
Clark was brother to Mrs. J. S. Copley,
and uncle to Lord Lyndhurst.

Judge Powell's MSS. papers are in
the hands of one of his grandsons for
the purpose of writing an account of his
eventful life, — who is now in a high
position in active service in Africa. It
is hoped the papers are safe.

John Powell, the father of Ann
Powell, the writer of the diary, was the
younger son of a Shropshire family
residing in Montgomery County, Wales,
where the ancient seat of the family,
" Caer Howel," was situated. The
original family name was "Aphowl,"
anglicised to Powell in the 13th century.
The younger sons of John Powell, Jere-
miah and William, married Sarah and

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Susan Bromfield, sisters, daughters of
Edward Bromfield, an eminent merchant
of Boston. Their sister, Abigail, mar-
ried William Phillips, and their daughter,
Abigail Phillips, 1769, married Josiah
Quincy, Jr., the eminent lawyer, leader
in the American Revolution, who died
1775, and father of the late Prest.
Josiah Quincy, 1772. 1864.

Jeremiah Powell, who married Sarah
Bromfield, inherited extensive lands in
the Province of Maine, and died there,
leaving no children.

William Powell resided in Boston,
where his numerous descendants in the
female line yet reside, and they possess
portraits by Kneller (it is presumed) of
Gov. Dummer, Jeremiah Dummer, and
their sister, Mrs. Powell, by Copley.

The Bromfields originated also in
Wales, where a Hundred in the County
of Denbigh yet bears their name. One
of the family emigrated from England
to Boston, Mass., in 1675.

The youngest son of Judge Powell
(Jeremiah Dummer Powell) a very ac-
complished, talented and excellent young
man, in 1801 went into business as a
merchant in New York, became engaged
in Miranda's Expedition, was captured
by a Spanish vessel, and thrown into
prison for more than a year. Judge
Powell went to Europe to endeavor to
procure his release, and was assisted by
the celebrated Dr. Jenner and Lord
Holland.

A letter from Lord Holland, giving an
account of the release of young Powell,
is published in the " Memoir of Blanco
White," London, 1845.

" A young English gentleman of the name of
Powell, had before the war with Spain, engaged

with Miranda, to liberate the Spanish colonies.
He was taken. By law his life was forfeited,
but he was condemned, by a sentence nearly
equivalent, to perpetual imprisonment in the
unwholesome fortress of Omoa. His father,
Chief Justice of Upper Canada, on hearing the
sad tidings hastened to England. Unfortunately
hostilities had commenced under circumstances
calculated to exasperate the government and
people of Spain. The Chief Justice was deter-
mined to try the efficacy of a personal applica-
tion to alleviate the sufferings of his son by a
change of prison, since he despaired of obtain-
ing his release.

Having procured passports he proceeded to
Spain furnished with a letter of introduction to
the Prince of the Peace from me (Lord Holland),
to whom he had applied as recently returned
from thence, and not involved in the angry feel-
ings or discussions, which had led to a rupture
between the two countries. The Prince re-
ceived him at Aranjuez, and immediately on
reading the letter and hearing the story, bade
the anxious father remain, till he had seen the
King; and left the room for that purpose, with-
out ceremony or delay. He soon returned with
an order, not for a change of prison, but for the
immediate release of the young man ; and added,
with a smile of benevolence, that a parent who
had come so far to render a service to his child,
would like probably to be the bearer of the
good intelligence himself, and accordingly fur-
nished him with a passport, and permission to
sail in a Spanish frigate, then preparing to leave
Cadiz, for the West Indies."

After the release and the return to
New York of Mr. Powell, he became
engaged to Miss Eliza Bard, daughter
of Dr. Bard* of Hyde Park, N. Y., then
15 years of age. He gave her a com-
plete set of chess men, he had made
with his knife, during the year he passed
in the dungeon of Omoa, the Spanish
prison. Their marriage was delayed by
his receiving a lucrative appointment in
the West Indies. He embarked from
New York, to visit the place of his

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

appointment, and his vessel was never
heard of. 1806. His loss was most
deeply regretted by Miss Bard and her
family, and by his own family and friends.
Miss Bard after some years married
Prest. McVickar, of New York. In
1840, after her death, some of the chess
men made by Mr. Powell, were by a
series of singular fortuitous circum-
stances, conveyed to his mother, at
Toronto, in her 85th year, to her great
gratification.

Eliza Susan Quincy.

* For an account of Dr. Bard, see his "Memoir
by President McVickar."

JOURNAL

When I talked of keeping a journal
from Montreal to Detroit, I was not
aware of the difficulties attending the
journey.

I expected it would be tedious, and
thought writing would be a very pleasant
employment, and so it might have
proved, had it been practicable, but the
opportunities for writing were so few,
that I found it would be impossible to
keep a journal with any degree of regu-
larity, so I left it wholly alone, and
trusted to my memory (which never de-
served such a compliment) for recalling
whatever was worth communicating.

We left Montreal on the 1 1 th of May,
1789, with a large party of our friends,
who paid us the compliment of seeing us
the first stage, where we took a farewell
dinner.

We then went to our boats ; one was
fitted up with an awning to protect us
from the weather, and held the family
and bedding. It was well filled, eight-
een persons in all, so you may suppose

we had not much room ; as it happened
that was of no consequence, it was cold
on the water, and we were glad to sit
close.

This mode of traveling is very tedious;
we are obliged to keep along shore and
go on very slowly.

The first night we slept at the house
of a " Habitan," who turned out with his
family, to give us the best room, where
we spread our beds and slept in peace.

I entertained myself with looking at
the Canadian family who were eating
their supper, saying their prayers, and
conversing at the same time.

The next day we reached a part of the
St. Lawrence where our boats were
obliged to be unloaded, and taken
through a Lock, the rapids being too
strong to pass ; these rapids were the
first of any consequence that I had seen.

Perhaps you do not know what I
mean by a rapid ; it is when the water
runs with swiftness over large rocks,
every one of which forms a cascade, and
the river here is all a bed of rocks.

There is no describing the grandeur
of the water when thrown into this kind
of agitation ; the sea after a tempest is
smooth to it.

My brother had traveled the road be-
fore, and knew the people, and the dis-
tance from house to house.

This part of the country has been set-
tled since the Peace, and it was granted
to the troops raised in America during
the war. We went from a Colonel to a
Captain, and from a Captain to a Major.
They have most of them built good
houses, and with the assistance of their
half pay, live very comfortably.

One night we reached the house of an

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

old servant of Mrs. Powell's ; the chil-
dren were delighted to see her, and I
was well pleased to view a new scene of
domestic life. This woman, it seems,
had married a disbanded soldier, who
had a small lot of land, where they
immediately went to live, and cultivated
it with so much care, that in a few years
they were offered in exchange for it, a
farm twice its value, to which they had
just removed, and were obliged to live
some time in a temporary log house,
which consisted only of one room, in
which was a very neat bed, where a
lovely babe of three months old, lay
crowing and laughing by itself.

A large loom was on one side, on the
other all the necessary utensils of a fam-
ily, everything perfectly clean.

Small as the place was, we chose to
stay all night, so while Mrs. Powell was
giving orders for arranging the beds, my
brother and I walked out to enjoy a
very fine evening.

The banks of the river were very high
and woody, the moon shone bright
through the trees, some Indians were on
the river taking fish with harpoons, a
mode of fishing I had never seen before.

They make large fires in their canoes,
which attract the fish to the surface of
the water, when they can see by the fire
to strike them.

The number of fires moving on the
water had a pretty and singular effect.

When we returned to the house, we
found the whole floor covered with beds.
The man and woman of the house, with
their children, had retired to their own
room, and left us to manage as we
pleased.

A blanket was hung before my mat-

tress, which I drew aside, to see how the
rest were accommodated. My brother
and sister, myself, five children, and two
maid servants made up the group ; a
blazing fire (not in the chimney, for
there was none, but in one side of the
room, which was opened at the top to let
out the smoke, and gave us a fine current
of air) showed every object distinctly.

I was in a humor to be easily diverted,
and found a thousand things to laugh at.
It struck me that we were like a strolling
party of players.

At night we always drest a dinner
for the next day. When we were dis-
posed to eat it, the cloth was laid in
the boat, and our table served up with
as much decency as could be expected,
if we could be contented with cold pro-
visions.

Not so our sailors ; they went on
shore and boiled their pots, and smoked
their pipes.

One day we happened to anchor at a
small Island, where the men themselves
had some difficulty in climbing the
banks, which were very steep.

I finished my dinner before the rest of
the party, and felt an inclination to walk.
I took one of the maids and made one of
the men help us up the bank ; we strolled
to the other side of the Island, and when
we turned round, saw the whole of the
ground covered with fire. The wind
blew fresh, and the dried leaves had
spread it from where the people were
cooking

We had no alternative, so were
obliged to make the best of our way
back. I believe we took very few steps,
for neither of us had our shoes burnt
through.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The weather was so fine that we ven-
tured to sleep out, and I liked it so
much that I regretted that we had ever
gone into a house ; it is the pleasantest
vagabond life you can imagine.

We stopt before sunset, when a large
fire was instantly made, and tea and
chocolate were prepared ; while we were
taking it the men erected a tent ; the
sails of the boat served for the top, and
blankets were fastened round the sides ;
in a few minutes they had made a place
large enough to spread all our beds,
where we slept with as much comfort as
I ever did in any chamber in my life. It
was our own fault if we did not choose a
fine situation to encamp.

You can scarcely conceive a more
beautiful scene than was one night ex-
hibited. The men had piled up boughs
of trees for a fire, before our tent, till
they made a noble bon-fire. In the
course of the evening it spread more
than half a mile ; the ground was cov-
ered with dry leaves which burnt like so
many lamps, with the fire running up the
bushes and trees. The whole formed
the most beautiful illumination you can
form an idea of.

The children were in ecstasies, run-
ning about like so many savages, and
our sailors were encamped near enough
for us to hear them singing and laugh-
ing.

We had, before we left Montreal,
heard of his Majesty's recovery, so if
you please you can set this all down as
rejoicings on that account, though I
doubt whether it once occurred to our
minds, yet we are a very loyal people.

On the tenth day we reached Kings-
ton ; it is a small town, and stands on a

beautiful bay at the foot of Lake
Ontario. The moment we reached the
wharf, a number of people came down
to welcome us ; a gentleman in his
hurry to hand out the ladies, brushed
one of the children into the lake. He
was immediately taken out, but that did
not save his Mother a severe fright.

We went to the house of a Mr. For-
syth, a young bachelor, who very politely
begged we would consider it as our own.

Here we staid three days, and then
sailed with a fair wind for Niagara.

At Kingston we were overtaken by
two officers of the artillery, one going to
Niagara the other to Detroit. They
both expressed themselves pleased with
joining our party, and accepted an offer
my brother made them, to cross the
Lake in a vessel appointed for him.
We were fifteen where there were only
four berths. When the beds were put
down at night, every one remained in the
spot he had first taken, for there was no
moving without general consent.

One night after we had lain down and
began to be composed, Mrs. Powell saw
one of the maids standing where she
had been making the children's beds,
and asked her why she staid there ?

The poor girl who speaks indifferent
English answered : "I am quazed,
Ma'am.' Sure enough, she was wedged
in beyond the power of moving without
assistance.

I heard a great laugh among the gen-
tlemen, who were divided from us by a
blanket partition. I suppose they were
" quazed " too !

Lake Ontario is two hundred miles
over. We were four days crossing it.
We were certainly a very good hu-

4 2

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

moured set of people, for no one com-
plained or seemed rejoiced when we
arrived at Niagara.

The fort is by no means pleasantly
situated. It is built close upon the
Lake, which gains upon its foundations
so fast, that in a few years they must be
overflowed. There, however, we passed
some days very agreeably, at the house
of Mr. Hamilton. We received the most
polite attentions from Colonel Hunter,
the commanding officer, and all his
officers. Lord Edward Fitz-Gerald had
been some months at Niagara before us,
and was making excursions among the
Indians, of whose society he seemed
particularly fond. Joseph Brant, a cele-
brated Indian chief, lives in that neigh-
borhood.

Lord Edward had spent some days at
his house, and seemed charmed with his
visit. Brant returned to Niagara with
his Lordship. He was the first, and
indeed the only savage I ever dined at
table with.

As the party was large, he was at too
great a distance from me to hear him
converse, and I was by no means
pleased with his looks. These people
pay great deference to rank ; with them
'it is only obtained by merit. They
attended Lord Edward from the house
of one Chief to another, and entertained
him with dancing, which is the greatest
compliment they can pay. Short as our
stay was at Niagara, we made many
acquaintances we were sorry to leave.
Several gentlemen offered to escort us
to the landing, which is eight miles from
Fort Erie.

There the Niagara river becomes
impassable, and all the luggage was

drawn up a steep hill in a cradle, a
machine I never saw before. We walked
up the hill, and were conducted to a
good garden with an arbor in it, where
we found a cloth laid for dinner, which
was provided for us by the officers of
the post.

After dinner we went on seven miles
to Fort Schlosher. The road was good,
the weather charming, and this was the
only opportunity we should have of see-
ing the Falls. All our party collected
half a mile above the Falls, and walked
down to them. I was in raptures all the
way. The Falls I had heard of forever,
but no one had mentioned the Rapids !

For half a mile the river comes foam-
ing down immense rocks, some of them
forming cascades 30 or 40 feet high !
The banks are covered with woods, as
are a number of Islands, some of them
very high out of the water. One in the
centre of the river, runs out into a point,
and seems to divide the Falls, which
would otherwise be quite across the
river, into the form of a crescent.

I believe no mind can form an idea of
the immensity of the body of water, or
the rapidity with which it hurries down.
The height is 180 feet, and long before
it reaches the bottom, it loses all appear-
ance of a liquid. The spray rises like
light summer clouds, and when the rays
of the sun are reflected through it, they
form innumerable rainbows, but the sun
was not in a situation to show this effect
when we were there.

One thing I could find nobody to
explain to me, which is, the stillness of
the water at the bottom of the Falls ; it
is as smooth as a lake, for half a mile,
deep and narrow, the banks very high

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

and steep, with trees hanging over them.
I was never before sensible of the power
of scenery, nor did I suppose the eye
could carry to the mind such strange
emotions of pleasure, wonder and so-
lemnity.

For a time every other impression
was erased from my memory ! Had I
been left to myself, I am convinced I
should not have thought of moving
whilst there was light to distinguish
objects.

With reluctance I at length attended
to the proposal of going, determining in
my own mind, that when I returned, I
would be mistress of my own time, and
stay a day or two at least.

We were received at Fort Schlosher by
Mr. Foster, of the 6oth Regt., one of the
most elegant young men I ever saw.
Here we were extremely well accom-
modated, and much pleased with the
house and garden. I never saw a situation
where retirement wore so many charms.
The next day we went in a batteau to
Fort Erie. When we arrived there we
found the commanding officer, Mr. Boyd,
was gone in a party with Lord Edward
and Mr. Brisbane to the other side of
the river, where the Indians were hold-
ing a Council. The gentlemen all re-
turned in the evening, and seemed so
much pleased with their entertainment,
that when they proposed our going over
with them the next day, we very readily
agreed to it. I thought it a peculiar piece
of good fortune, having an opportunity
of seeing a number of the most respect-
able of these people collected together.

We reached the spot where the Coun-
cil began, and as we passed along, saw
several of the chiefs at their toilets.

They sat upon the ground with the most
profound gravity, dressing themselves
before a small looking-glass ; for they
are very exact in fixing on their orna-
ments, and not a little whimsical. I am
told that one of these fellows will be an
hour or two painting his face, and when
anyone else would think him sufficiently
horrible, some new conceit will strike him,
and he will rub it all off, and begin again.

The women dress with more sim-
plicity than the men, at least all I have
seen ; but at this meeting there were
not many of the fair sex. Some old
squaws who sat in council, and a few
young ones to dress their provisions ;
for these great men, as well as those of
our world, like a good dinner after
spending their lungs for the good of
their country.

Some women we saw employed in
taking fish in a basket ; a gentleman of
our party took the basket from one of
them, and tried to catch the fish as she
did, but failing, they laughed at his
want of dexterity. One young squaw
sat in a tent weaving a sort of worsted
garter intermixed with beads. I sup-
pose she was a lady of distinction, for
her ears were bored in four different
places, with ear-rings in them all. She
would not speak English, but seemed to
understand what was said to her.

A gentleman introduced Mrs. Powell
and me to her as white squaws, begging
she would go on with her work, as we
wished to see how it was done. She
complied immediately, with great dig-
nity, taking no more notice of us than if
we were posts. A proof of her good
breeding !

We then went up a steep bank to a

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

very beautiful spot ; the tall trees were
in full leaf, and the ground covered
with wild flowers. We were seated on
a log in the centre, where we could see
all that passed.

Upwards of 200 chiefs were assembled
and seated in proper order. They were
the delegates of six nations ; each tribe
formed a circle under the shade of a
tree, their faces towards each other ;
they never changed their places, but sat
or lay on the grass as they liked. The
speaker of each tribe stood with his
back against a tree. The old women
walked one by one with great solemnity
and seated themselves behind the men ;
they were wholly covered with their
blankets, and sought not by the effect of
ornaments to attract, or fright, the other
sex, for I cannot tell whether the men
mean to make themselves charming, or
horrible, by the pains they take with
their persons.

On seeing this respectable band of
matrons I was struck with the different
opinions of mankind. In England when
a man grows infirm and his talents are
obscured by age, the wits decide upon his
character by calling him an old woman.
On the banks of Lake Erie a woman
becomes respectable as she grows old,
and I suppose the greatest compliment
you can pay a young hero, is that he is
as wise as an old woman, a good trait of
savage understanding. These ladies
preserve a modest silence in the debates
(I fear they are not like women of other
countries) but nothing is determined
without their advice and approbation.

I was very much struck with the fig-
ures of these Indians as they approached
us. They are remarkably tall, and finely

made, and walk with a degree of grace
and dignity you can have no idea of.
I declare our beaux looked quite in-
significant by them ; one man called to
my mind some of Homer's finest heroes.

One of the gentlemen told me that he
was a chief of great distinction and
spoke English, and if I pleased he
should be introduced to me. I had
some curiosity to see how a chief of the
six nations would pay his compliments,
but little did I expect the elegance with
which he addressed me. The Prince of
Wales does not bow with more grace
than Captain David. He spoke English
with propriety, and returned all the
compliments that were paid him with
ease and politeness. As he was not only
the handsomest but the best drest man
I saw, I will endeavor to describe him.

His person is tall and fine as it is pos-
sible to conceive, his features handsome
and regular, with a countenance of much
softness, his complexion not disagreably
dark, and I really believe he washes his
face, for it appeared perfectly clean,
without paint ; his hair was all shaved
off except a little on the top of his head
to fasten his ornaments to ; his head
and ears painted a glowing red ; round
his head was fastened a fillet of highly
polished silver, from the left temple
hung two straps of black velvet cov-
ered with silver beads and brooches.
On the top of his head was fixed a Fox-
tail feather, which bowed to the wind,
as did a black one in each ear ; a pair
of immense earrings which hung below
his shoulders completed his head-dress,
which I assure you was not unbecoming,
though I must confess somewhat fan-
tastical.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

His dress was a shirt of colored calico,
the neck and shoulders covered so thick
with silver brooches as to have the ap-
pearance of a net, his sleeves much like
those the ladies wore when I left Eng-
land, fastened aftout the arm, with a
broad bracelet of highly polished silver,
and engraved with the arms of Eng-
land. Four smaller bracelets of the same
kind about his wrists and arms ; around
his waist was a large scarf of a very dark
colored stuff, lined with scarlet, which
hung to his feet. One part he generally
drew over his left arm which had a very
graceful effect when he moved. His
legs were covered with blue cloth made
to fit neatly, with an ornamental garter
bound below the knee. I know not
what kind of a being your imagination
will represent to you, but I sincerely
declare to you, that altogether Captain
David made the finest appearance I ever
saw in my life ! Do not suppose they
were all dressed with the same taste ;
their clothes are not cut by the same
pattern, like the beaux of England. —
Every Indian is dressed according to his
own fancy, and you see no two alike ;
even their faces are differently painted ;
some of them wear their hair in a strange
manner, others shave it entirely off. One
old man diverted me extremely ; he was
dressed in a scarlet coat, richly em-
broidered, that must have been made
half a century, with waistcoat of the
same, that reached half way down his
thighs, no shirt or breeches, but blue
cloth stockings. As he strutted about
more than the rest, I conclude that he
was particularly pleased with his dress,
and with himself ! They told us that he
was a Chief of distinction. We only

staid to hear two speeches ; they spoke
with great gravity and no action, fre-
quently making long pauses for a hum
of applause. Lord Edward and Mr.
Brisbane remained with them all night,
and were entertained with dancing.

We were detained some days at Fort
Erie by a contrary wind. On the 4th of
June as we were drinking the King's
health like good loyal subjects, the wind
changed and we were hurried on board ;
we were better accommodated than
when we crossed Lake Ontario, for the
weather was so fine that the gentlemen
all slept on deck. Lake Erie is 280
miles over, we were five days on our
passage.

The river Detriot divides Lake Erie
from Lake St. Clair, which is again sep-
arated by a small river from Lake
Huron. The head of Lake Erie and the
entrance into the river Detroit is uncom-
monly beautiful. Whilst we were sailing
up the river a perverse storm of rain
and thunder drove us into the cabin, and
gave us a thorough wetting. After it
was over we went on shore. The fort
lies about half way up the river, which
is 18 miles in length.

In drawing the line between the Brit-
ish and American possessions, this fort
was left within their lines ; a new town
is now to be built on the other side of
the river, where the Courts are held,
and where my brother must of course
reside.

As soon as our vessel anchored, sev-
eral ladies and gentleman came on
board ; they had agreed upon a house
for us, till my brother could meet with
one that would suit him, so we found
ourselves at home immediately.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The ladies visited us in full dress,
though the weather was boiling hot.

What do you think of walking about
when the Thermometer is above 90 ? It
was as high as 96 the morning we re-
turned our visits.

Whilst we staid at the Fort, several
parties were made for us. A very agree-
able one by the 65 th to an island a little
way up the river. Our party was divided
into five boats, one held the music, in
each of the others were two ladies and
as many gentlemen as it could hold.

Lord Edward and his friend arrived
just time enough to join us ; they went
round the Lake by land, to see some In-
dian settlements, and were highly pleased
with their jaunt. Lord Edward speaks
in raptures of the Indian hospitality ; he
told me one instance of it, which would
reflect honor on the most polished soci-
ety. By some means or other, the gen-
tlemen lost their provisions, and were
entirely without bread in a place where
they could get none ; some Indians trav-
eling with them, had one loaf, which
they offered to his Lordship, but he
would not accept it ; the Indians gave
him to understand that they were used
to do without and therefore it was less
inconvenient to them ; they still refused,
and the Indians then disappeared, and
left the loaf of bread in the road the
travelers must pass, and the Indians
were seen no more.

Our party on the Island proved very
pleasant, which that kind of parties sel-
dom do ; the day was fine, the country
cheerful and the band delightful. We
walked some time in the shady part
of the Island ; and then were led to
a bower where the table was spread

for dinner. Everything here is on a
grand scale ; do not suppose we dined
in an English arbor ! This one was
made of forest trees that grew in a cir-
cle, and it was closed by filling up the
spaces with small trees and bushes,
which being fresh cut, you could not see
where they were put together, and the
bower was the whole height of the trees
though quite closed at the top. The
band was placed without, and played
whilst we were at dinner. We were
hurried home in the evening by the
appearance of a thunder storm ; it was
the most beautiful I ever remember to
have seen. The clouds were collected
about the setting sun, and the forked
lightning was darting in a thousand
different directions from it.

You can form no idea from anything
you have seen of what the lightning is in
this country. These Lakes I believe
are the nurseries of thunder storms !
What you see are only stragglers who
lose their strength before they reach
you.

Supplementary Note. — The follow-
ing extracts are from letters relative to
the Indians, from O. H. Marshall, Esq.,
of Buffalo, N. Y. :

Buffalo, April 3, 1S65.

"The period of Miss Powell's visit to Niagara
in 1789, is an interesting one in our local history.
The Senecas were driven by Genl. Sullivan from
their seats in the Genesee valley in 1779. They
settled in 1780 on the site where the city of
Buffalo is now located. There does not appear
to have been a solitary white cabin here at the
time of her visit."

Buffalo, Feb. 24, 1872.

" The Chief in a scarlet coat, described (in
ms.) was undoubtedly Red Jacket, or ' Sago-ye-
wal-ha.' In the volume of 'Indian Treaties,
edited by Franklin B. Hough,' and published as

REPRINTS

one of ' Historical Series, p. 340,' is a letter to
Gov. George Clinton dated July 30, 1789, and
signed by Red Jacket, as a Seneca Chief at
Buffalo Creek, which refers to the Council which
Miss Powell attended."

Buffalo, August 24, 1872.

I have received from a Mohawk a translation
of the letter written by David Hill to Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, but it is quite unsatisfactory,
for the reason that the orthography of the
Mohawk, as given by Moore, is undoubtedly
very erroneous. It is always the case, when an
unwritten language is attempted to be given in
the alphabet of another.

Karong hyontye is the Indian name of Captain
David. The same name is given in Hough's
Indian Treaties of New York, Vol. I., p. 51,
for the Captain.

Tyogh Saghnontyon is the name of Detroit,
where the letter was written.

Captain David is referred to in Stone's Life of
Red Jacket, 1st Ed., p. 95. He was not the
Chief of the Six Nations, but a Chief of the
came.

I enclose an autograph of Red Jacket, being
his signature by " his mark," verified by two old
residents of Buffalo. He spoke little English,
and could not write his name.

Mr. Marshall here refers to " Memoirs
of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, by Thomas
Moore," p. 148, Vol. L, where an account
is given of his induction at Detroit into
the Bear Tribe, and being made one of
their Chiefs.

In the same work there is a very beau-
tiful letter from Lord Edward to his
mother, the Duchess of Leinster, des-
cribing the Falls of Niagara. See Me-
moir, Vol. I., p. 144.

Lord Edward descended the Ohio
and Mississippi, reached New Orleans in
December, 1789, and returned to Ireland.
The republican opinions he acquired in
America influenced his future life, and
led to his death in prison in 1798, at the
age of 35 years.

The Journal of Miss Powell, from
which a few unimportant pages have
been omitted, ends quite abruptly. Many
copies of it appear to have been pre-
served among her friends as a memorial
of her, and as descriptive of the mode of
traveling and the state of society at that
early period, when a journey to Niagara
was an expedition into a wilderness.
Miss Powell was remembered and spoken
of by her contemporaries as a most
lovely and interesting woman.

This journal is now for the first time
printed. In 1862 I gave a copy of it to
the New York Historical Society, and in
1877, obtained from the relatives of Miss
Powell, now resident in Canada, a per-
mission for its publication in the Maga-
zine of American History.

Eliza Susan Quincy.

Quincy , Mass.

REPRINTS

FALLS OF NIAGARA
1679

DESCRIBED BY FATHER HENNEPIN

Betwixt the Lake Ontario and Erie
there is a vast and prodigious Cadence
of water, which falls down after a sur-
prizing and astonishing manner, inas-
much as the Universe does not afford its
Parallel. 'Tis true Italy and Suedeland
boast of some such Things; but we may
well say they are but sorry Patterns
when compared to this of which we now
speak. At the foot of this horrible
Precipice we meet with the River Nia-
gara, which is not above a quarter of a
League broad, but is wonderfully deep
in some places. It is so rapid above

4 8

REPRINTS

this Descent, that it violently hurries
down the wild Beasts, which endeavoring
to pass it to feed on the other side, they
not being able to withstand the force of
its Current, which inevitably casts them
headlong above Six hundred foot high.

This wonderful Downfall is com-
pounded of two great Cross-streams of
Water and two Falls, with an Isle slop-
ing along the middle of it. The Waters
which fall from this terrible Precipice
do foam and boil after the most hid-
eous manner imaginable, making an out-
rageous noise, more terrible than that of
Thunder, for when the Wind blows out
of the South their dismal roaring may
be heard more than fifteen Leagues off.

The River Niagara, having thrown it
self down this incredible Precipice, con-
tinues its impetuous course for two
Leagues together to the great rock
above-mentioned, with an inexpressible
Rapidity. But having past that its Impet-
uosity relents, gliding along more gently
for other two Leagues, till it arrive at
the Lake Ontario or Frontenac.

Any Barque or greater Vessel may pass
from the Fort to the foot of this huge
Rock above mentioned. This Rock lies
to the Westward, and is cut off from the
Land by the River Niagara, about two
Leagues farther down than the great
Fall; for which two Leagues the People
are obliged to transport their Goods
overland, but the way is very good, and
the Trees are but few, chiefly Firrs and
Oaks.

From the great Fall into this^ Rock,
which is to the West of the River the
two Brinks of it are so prodigious high,
that it would make one tremble to look
steadily upon the Water, rolling along

with a Rapidity not to be imagin'd. Were
it not for this vast Cataract which inter-
rupts Navigation, they might sail with
Barks or greater vessels more than Four
hundred and fifty Leagues, crossing the
Lake of Hurons, and reaching even to
the farther end of the Lake Illinois,
which two Lakes, we may easily say, are
little Seas of fresh Water. — Hennepiris
Travels, edition of 1698, p. 29.

THE FALLS OF NIAGARA

DESCRIBED BY BARON LAHONTAN

As for the water-fall of Niagara, it is
seven or eight hundred foot high and
half a league broad. Towards the mid-
dle of it we may descry an island that
leans towards the precipice, as if it were
ready to fall. All the beasts that cross
the water within a quarter of a league
above this unfortunate island, are sucked
in by force of the stream, and the beasts
and fish are thus killed by the prodi-
gious fall, serve for food to fifty Iroquese,
who are settled about two leagues off,
and take them out of the water with
their canoes. Between the surface of
the water, that shelves off prodigiously,
and the foot of the precipice, three men
may cross abreast without any other
damage than a sprinkling of some few
drops of water. — Lahontaris Travels.

THE FALLS OF NIAGARA
1764

FROM A NEWSPAPER OF THE DAY

Niagara Fall is about eighteen miles
from Niagara fort. You first go six
leagues by water up Niagara river, and
then three leagues by land over the car-

REPRINTS

rying place. As I was desirous of see-
ing everything relating to this famous
cataract, I prevailed on three gentlemen
who had often visited it, to accompany
me, one of whom had lived almost ten
years near the carrying place, and, con-
sequently, was well acquainted with
every circumstance relative to it.

A little before we came to the carry-
ing place, the water grew so rapid that
four men in a light canoe had much dif-
ficulty to get up thither. Canoes can go
half a league above the beginning of the
carrying place, tho' they must labour
against a stream extremely rapid, but
higher up it is quite impossible, the
whole course of the river, for two leagues
and a half below the great fall being a
series of smaller falls, one under an-
other, on which the greatest canoe or
batteau would in a moment be turned
upside down. We therefore went ashore
and walked over the carrying place, hav-
ing, besides the high and steep sides of
the river, two great hills to ascend, one
above another.

We arrived at the great fall about ten
in the morning, and the weather being
very fine, I had an opportunity of sur-
veying very attentively this surprising
cataract of nature.

The course of the river, or rather
strait, is here from S.S.E. to N.N.W.,
and the rocks of the great fall cross it,
not in a right line, but forming an arch
little less than a semicircle. Above the
fall, in the middle of the river, is an
island, lying also S.S.E. and N.N.W., or
parallel with the sides of the river; its
length is about 420 yards. The lower
end of this island is just at the perpen-
dicular edge of the fall. On both sides

of this island runs all the water that
comes from the lakes of Canada, viz.:
Lake Superior, Lake Michigan, Lake
Huron and Lake Erie; which are in-
deed rather seas than lakes, and have,
besides, a great many large rivers that
discharge their waters into them, of
which the greatest part comes down
Niagara fall. Before the water comes
to the island it runs but slowly compared
with its motion when it approaches the
island, where it becomes the most rapid
water in the world, running with a sur-
prising swiftness. Before it comes to
the fall it is quite white, and in many
places it is thrown high into the air.
The greatest and strongest boats would
here in a moment be overset. The water
that runs along the west side of the
island is more rapid, in greater abun-
dance and whiter than that which runs
on the east side, appearing almost to ex-
ceed an arrow in swiftness.

When you are at the fall and look up
the river, you may see the river above
the fall is everywhere exceeding steep,
resembling the side of a hill. When this
prodigious body of water comes to very
fall it throws itself down in a perpen-
dicular direction. But the surprise on
seeing this is beyond belief ; nor is it in
the power of language to express it. To
behold so vast a body of water throwing
itself headlong down so prodigious a
precipice, strikes the observer with awe
and surprise.

The perpendicular height of this fall
has been variously reported. Father
Hennepin supposes it 600 feet, but he
has gained little credit among his coun-
trymen in America, who call him un
grand menteur, "a great liar." He did

REPRINTS

indeed visit this famous fall ; but it is
the common practice of some travellers
to magnify everything, and this the good
father has done, for the height of this
famous fall has been found to be exactly
137 feet.

When the water is come down to the
bottom of the rock of the fall it jumps
back to a great height in the air; in
other places it is as white as milk or snow,
and all in motion like a boiling caldron.

The noise of this fall in fine weather
may be heard at fifteen leagues distance,
and, when the wind is very calm, you
may hear it at Niagara Fort ; but seldom
at other times ; because when the wind
blows, the waves of the lake Ontario
make too much noise against the shore.
And it is very remarkable, that, when
they hear the noise of the fall at the
above fort more plain than ordinary,
they are sure a north-east wind will fol-
low. This is really surprising, as the
fall is south-west from the fort, and one
would imagine it should rather be a con-
trary wind.

From the place where the water falls,
there rises abundance of vapours, re-
sembling a prodigious thick smoke.
These vapours rise a great height in the
air when it is calm, but are dispersed by
the wind when it blows hard. If you
go into this vapour or fog, or if the wind
blows it on you, it is so penetrating,
that in a few minutes you will be as wet
as if you had been under water. I de-
sired two of the gentlemen who went
with me to go down to bring me, from the
side at the bottom of the fall, some of the
several kinds of herbs, stones, and shells,
they could find there. They immedi-
ately went down the fall ; but when

they returned, which was not many
minutes, they were so wet, that I really
thought they had accidentally fallen
into the water, as they were obliged to
strip themselves quite naked, and hang
their clothes in the sun to dry.

When you are on the other side of the
lake Ontario, though a great many
leagues from the fall, you may, every
clear and calm morning, see the vapours
of the fall rising in the air, and a person
unused to this phenomenon would be
tempted to think that all the forests
thereabouts were on fire, so great is the
apparent smoke. In the like manner
you may see it on the west side of the
Lake Erie, a great many leagues off.

The Indians say that when birds
come flying into this fog or smoke of
the cataract, they fall down, and perish
in the water, either because their wings
are wet, or that the noise of the fall
astonishes them, and they know not
which way to fly, the light being ex-
cluded by the vapours. But those who
accompanied me were of opinion that
seldom or never any bird perishes there
in that manner ; because, among all the
birds found dead below the cataract,
there are no other sorts than such as
live, or at least frequently swim in the
water, as swans, geese, ducks, waterhens,
teal and the like. And very often large
flocks of them are seen going to destruc-
tion in this manner ; they swim in the
river above the fall, and so are carried
down lower and lower by the water ;
and as water fowl commonly take great
delight in being carried with the stream,
so will they indulge themselves in enjoy-
ing this pleasure so long till the swift-
ness of the water becomes so great, that

REPRINTS

it is no longer possible for them to rise,
but they are driven down the precipice
and perish. They are observed, when
they draw near the fall, to endeavour
with all their might, to take wing, and
leave the water, but find it impossible.
In the months of September and Octo-
ber, such quantities of dead water fowl
are found every morning below the fall,
on the banks, that the French garrison
at the fort used to live chiefly upon them.
Besides the fowl they also find dead fish
of various kinds ; likewise deer, bears,
and other animals, which have endeav-
oured to cross the river above the fall ;
the larger of which are generally found
broken to pieces. Just below the fall
the water is not rapid, but goes all in
circles and eddies like a boiling pot,
which however, does not hinder the In-
dians from going a-fishingon it in small
canoes. When you are above the fall,
and look down, your head begins to turn,
nor will those who have often visited it
seldom venture to look down, without
holding fast to some tree.

It was formerly looked upon as impos-
sible for anybody to go ashore on the
island, and return again ; but an acci-
dent that happened about twenty-five
years ago proved that this opinion was
ill-founded. The history is this : Two
Indians of the Six Nations went from
Niagara Fort to hunt on an island in
the middle of the river or strait,
above the great fall, on which there
used to be plenty of deer. They took
some French brandy with them from the
fort, which they tasted several times as
they were going over the carrying place,
and when they were in the canoe they
did the same thing as they rowed up the
strait towards the island where they pro-

posed to hunt ; but growing sleepy they
laid themselves down in the canoe,
which getting loose drove back with the
stream, farther and farther down, till
they came near that island which lies in
the middle of the fall. Here one of
them, awakened by the noise of the
cataract, cried out to the other that
they were lost ! They tried, however,
to save their lives, and this island being
nearest, they with the utmost difficulty
got ashfere there. They were at first
greatly rejoiced, but when they had seri-
ously reflected on their condition, they
believed themselves hardly in a better
state than if they had been precipitated
down the fall, as they had no other
choice than either to throw themselves
down that precipice or perish with hun-
ger. But necessity is the mother of in-
vention. At the lower end of the island
the rock is perpendicular, and no water
runs there, and the island abounding
with wood, they went immediately to
work and made a kind of ladder of the
bark of the linden tree, long enough to
reach the surface of the water at the
bottom of the precipice. One end of
this ladder they fastened to a large tree
that grew at the side of the rock above
the fall, and let the other end down to
the water. Being thus fixed they went
down their new invented stairs to the
surface of the water, in the middle of
the fall, where they rested a little time ;
and as the water next below the fall is
not rapid, they threw themselves into
it. hoping to reach the shore by swim-
ming. I have said before, that that one
part of the fall is on this and the other
on that side of the island, and hence it
is that the waters of each turn back
against the rock that is just under the

REPRINTS

island. The Indians therefore had hardly
began to swim before the waves of the
eddy threw them with violence against
the rock from whence they came.

They tried it several times, but were
always thrown against the rock, so that
they were obliged to climb up the stairs
again to the island, not knowing what
to do. After some time they perceived
some of their countrymen, to whom they
cried out. They saw and pitied them ;
but gave them little hopes of help. They
however hasted to the fort, and told the
commander the dismal situation of their
two brethren. He persuaded them to
try all possible means of relieving the
poor Indians, which at last they effected
in the following manner : The water
that runs on the east side of this island
is shallow, especially a little above the
island, towards the Eastern shore. The
commandant having caused poles to be
made and pointed with iron, two Indi-
ans determined to walk to the island by
the help of these poles, in order to save
the other poor creatures or perish in the
attempt. Accordingly, before they made
the attempt, they took leave of all their
friends, as if they were going to inevit-
able death. Each of the Indians car-
ried two of the above poles, one of which
they fixed firmly in the river, and by
that means supported themselves against
the rapidity of the torrent. In this man-
ner they both safely arrived at the island,
and having given each of the two poor
Indians a pole, they all returned safely
to the main.

Since the above accident, the Indians
often go to this island to kill deer, which,
having endeavoured to cross the river
above the fall, are driven on the island
by the stream.

Formerly a part of the rock at the
fall, which is on the west side of the
island, hung over in such a manner that
the water which fell perpendicularly from
it left a vacancy below, so that there
was a passage at the bottom of the fall,
between the rock and the water; but
some years ago the prominent part broke
off and fell down, so that now there is
no possibility of going between the fall-
ing water and the rock, the former
touching the latter from the upper part
to the bottom of the fall. The breadth
of the fall, as it forms a semicircle, is
reckoned to be about 360 yards. The
island is in the middle of the fall, and
about 40 yards broad at its lower end.

Every day when the sun shines, from
ten in the morning until two in the after-
noon, below the fall and under you
when you stand at the side over the fall,
you see a glorious rainbow, and some-
times two, one within another. I was
so fortunate as to be at the fall on a fine
clear day, and contemplated with great
delight this beautiful phenomenon, which
was embellished with those brilliant col-
ours conspicuous in a rainbow formed
in the air. When the wind carries the
vapours from place to place, the rainbow
is often invisible, but becomes conspicu-
ous as soon as new vapors are formed.
— Massachusetts Magazine, II., 592.

THE FALLS OF NIAGARA

1789

DESCRIBED IN A LETTER FROM ANDREW
ELLICOTT TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.

{Illustrated with a drawing by the writer?)

Dear Sir,

Among the many natural curiosities
which this country affords, the cataract
of Niagara is infinitely the greatest. In

REPRINTS

order to have a tolerable idea of this
stupendous fall of water, it will be ne-
cessary to conceive that part of the
country in which lake Erie is situated,
to be elevated above that which contains
lake Ontario, about three hundred feet.
The slope which separates the upper
and lower country, is generally very
steep, and in many places almost per-
pendicular. It is formed by horizontal
strata of stone, great part of which is
what we commonly call lime stone.
The slope may be traced from the north
side of lake Ontario, near the bay of
Toronto, round the west end of the lake ;
thence its direction is generally east,
between lake Ontario, and lake Erie it
crosses the strait of Niagara, and the
Cheneseco river, after which it becomes
lost in the country towards the Seneca
Lake. It is to this slope that our
country is indebted, both for the cata-
ract of Niagara and the great falls of the
Cheneseco.

The cataract of Niagara was formerly
down at the northern side of the slope,
near to that place, which is now known
by the name of the Landing ; but from
the great length of time, added to the
great quantity of water, and distance
which it falls, the solid stone is worn
away, for about seven miles, up towards
lake Erie, and a chasm is formed which
no person can approach without horror.

Down this chasm the water rushes
with a most astonishing velocity, after
it makes the great pitch. In going up
the road near this chasm, the fancy is
constantly engaged in the contemplation
of the most romantick and awful pros-
pects imaginable, till at length, the eye
catches the falls — the imagination is

instantly arrested, and you admire in
silence ! The river is about one hun-
dred and thirty-five poles wide, at the
falls, and the perpendicular pitch one
hundred and fifty feet. The fall of this
vast body of water produces a sound
which is frequently heard at the distance
of twenty miles, and a sensible tremulous
motion in the earth for some poles
around.* A heavy fog, or cloud, is
constantly ascending from the falls, in
which rainbows may always be seen,
when the sun shines. This fog, or spray,
in the winter season, falls upon the
neighboring trees, where it congeals, and
produces a most beautiful chrystalline
appearance. This remark is equally
applicable to the falls of the Cheneseco.

The difficulty which would attend
levelling the rapids in the chasm, pre-
vented my attempting it, but I conjecture
the water must descend at least sixty-
five feet. The perpendicular pitch at
the cataract is one hundred and fifty
feet ; to these add fifty-eight feet, which
the water falls in the last half mile,
immediately above the falls, and we
have two hundred and seventy-three
feet, which the water falls, in a distance
of about seven miles and an half. If
either ducks or geese inadvertently
alight in the rapids above the great
cataract, they are incapable of getting
on the wing again, and are instantly
hurried on to destruction.

There is one appearance at this cata-
ract worthy of some attention, and
which I do not remember to have seen
noted by any writer. Just below the
great pitch, the water and foam may be
seen puffed up in spherical figures,
nearly as large as common cocks of hay ;

REPRINTS

they burst at the top, and project a
column of spray to a prodigious height ;
they then subside, and are succeeded by
others, which burst in like manner.

This appearance is most conspicuous
about half way between the island, that
divides the falls, and the west side of
the strait, where the largest column of
water descends. I am, &c,

Andrew Ellicott.

Niagara, Dec. iot/i } 1789.

* It is said by those who have visited this stu-
pendous cataract, that the descent into the chasm
is exceedingly difficult, because of the great
height of the banks. A person, having de-
scended, however, may go up to the bottom of
the falls, and take shelter behind the torrent,
between the falling water and the precipice,
where there is a space sufficient to contain a
number of people in perfect safety, and where
conversation may be carried on without much
interruption from the noise, which is less here
than at a considerable distance. This is not un-
worthy the attention of the philosophick reader.
— Massachusetts Magazine, II., 387.

THE FALLS OF NIAGARA
1799

DESCRIBED BY CHARLES WILLIAMSON

Should curiosity induce you to visit
the Falls of Niagara, you will proceed
from Geneva by the State Road, to the
Genesee River, which you will cross at
New Hartford, west of which you will
find the country settled for about twelve
miles ; but after that, for about sixty-five
miles, to Niagara River, the country
still remains a wilderness. This road
was used so much last year by people on
business, or by those whom curiosity
had led to visit the Falls of Niagara,
that a station was fixed at the Big Plains
to shelter travelers. At this place there

are two roads that lead to Niagara
River ; the south road goes by Buffalo
Creek, the other by Tonawandoe
Village to Queen's Town Landing. The
road to Buffalo Creek is more used both
because it is better and because it com-
mands a view of Lake Erie ; and the
road from this to the falls is along the
banks of Niagara River, a very interest-
ing ride. The river is in no place less
than a mile over, and the picture is
enlivened by a variety of landscapes.
Niagara River is the only outlet of Lake
Superior, and all these immense lakes
that afford from the falls an uninterrupt-
ed navigation of near two thousand
miles to the westward. As you ap-
proach Chippaway, a military station
two miles above the falls, the rapidity
of the river increases, bounding to a
great height when it meets with resist-
ance from the inequality of the surface ;
and this vast body of water at last
washes over a precipice of one hundred
and seventy feet. The falls can be
viewed from several different places ;
but they are seen to most advantage
below. You can, with safety, approach
the very edge of the fall, and may even
go some distance between the sheet of
falling water and the precipice ; but
this experiment requires caution : the
footing is unequal and slippery ; and
blasts of condensed air rush out with
such violence as to deprive you for some
moments, of the power of breathing.
From the falls to Queenstown, the near-
est place to which shipping approach
the falls, the roar is confined within a
chasm in the rocks, one hundred and
fifty feet deep, and to all appearance cut
by the force of the water.

NOTES

ITINERARY

from Williamson's description of the
settlement of the genesee county

1799

The principal Taverns on the road
from Albany to Geneva, and from there
to Niagara, with their Distances :

Albany to Schenectady 16

Schenectady to Bent's 14

Bent's to 10

Dewights 16

Hudson's Indian Castle 14

Aldridge's German-Flats 10

Hotel Fort Schuyler 16

9 6

From Fort Schuyler to Laird's

on the great Genesee Road 10
Van Epps's, near the Oneida

Reservation 6

Wemps's, in the Oneida Reser-
vation 6
Sill's, at the Deep Spring 1 1
Keeler's junior 12
Tyler's, Onandago Hollow 10
Rice's, Nine Mile Creek 10
Cayuga Ferry 20
Powell's Hotel, Geneva 13

NOTES

From Geneva to Canandarqua

Sanburn's 16

Searson's on the State Road 14

New Hartford n

Peterson's at the Big Spring 6

Ganson's 6
To the station on the Big

Plain 27

To Buffalo Creek 43

Miles

9 8

123

3i7

Irving's new york. — Looking over
an old volume of newspaper cuttings the
other day I fell upon this scrap, which
may amuse some of your readers.

" The following curious passage occurs near
the commencement of the Sixth Book of
Irving's humorous History of New York,
where it stands in plain prose, though we have
divided it into lines for the sake of showing the
remarkable poetic rhythm by which it is marked.
It is copied verbatim, and forms part of the de-
scription of the arming of Peter Stuyvesant, the
Redoubtable, for battle. It may be classed
among literary curiosities.
' ' The gallant warrior starts from soft repose,
From golden visions and voluptuous ease ;
Where, in the dulcet ' piping time of peace,'
He sought sweet solace after all his toils.
No more, in Beauty's syren lap reclined,
He weaves fair garlands for his lady's brows;
No more entwines with flowers his shining

sword,
Nor through the live-long lazy summer's day
Chants forth his love-sick soul in madrigals.
To manhood roused he spurns the amorous

flute,
Doffs from his brawny back the robe of peace,
And clothes his pampered limbs in panoply of

steel.
O'er his dark brow where late the myrtle waved,
Where wanton roses breathed enervate love,
He rears the beaming casque and nodding

plume ;
Grasps the bright shield and shakes the ponder-
ous lance,
Or mounts with eager pride his fiery steed,
And burns for deeds of glorious chivalry."

That the comparison may be more
easily made I add the words in their
order of sentence and punctuation as
printed in the First Chapter of Book VI.
of the History, from a copy of Putnam's
Edition of 1850, presented to the New
York Historical Society as his own auto-

NOTES

graphic lines attest, by Washington Ir-
ving himself, and I prefix a part of the
sentence preceding them which may be
also arranged in order of verse.

"But now the war drum rumbles from afar,
the brazen trumpet brays its thrilling note, and
the mad clash of hostile arms speaks fearful
prophesies of coming troubles. The gallant
warrior starts from soft repose ; from golden
visions and voluptuous ease ; when in the dulcet
4 " piping time of peace," he sought sweet solace
after all his toils. No more in beauty's siren lap
reclined, he weaves fair garlands for his lady's
brows ; no more entwines with flowers his shin-
ing sword, nor through the live-long summer's
day chants forth his love-sick soul in madrigals.
To manhood roused, he spurns the amorous flute ;
doffs from his brawny back the robe of peace,
and clothes his pampered limbs in panoply of
steel. O'er his dark brow, where late the myrtle
waved, where wanton roses breathed enervate
love, he rears the beaming casque and nodding
plume ; grasps the bright shield, and shakes the
ponderous lance ; or mounts with eager pride
his fiery steed, and burns for deeds of glorious
chivalry."

Diedrich Knickerbocker, in the next
sentence, tells us we must not take this
seriously, that " this is but a lofty and
gigantic mode, in which we heroic writ-
ers always talk of war, thereby to give
it a noble and inspiring aspect," but it
is enough to show that the charming
author ' knew himself to build the lofty
rhyme' as well as the plainer structure
of prose. S. L.

New York City.

Andre's grave at tappan. — In the
summer of 1818 Captain Alden Part-
ridge, a professor of military engineering
in the United States Military Academy,
made several pedestrian excursions for
the purpose of determining from baro-
metrical and thermometrical observations

the altitudes of noted heights and emi-
nences. In a letter, dated August 31st,
he thus describes his visit to the grave
of Andre :

"August 24///. — * * * thence to
the village of Tappan, which I reached
(in the rain) a little before sunset. This
village is celebrated as being the place
where Major Andre, adjutant-general of
the British army, was confined, tried
and executed as a spy during our revo-
lutionary war. I took my quarters for
the night at a public house kept by Mr.
Dubey, post-master of the place, who
soon informed me that was the same
house in which Andre was kept a pris-
oner. He also showed me the room in
which he was confined, and told me it
was in very nearly the same state as at
the time of his confinement. The di-
mensions of this room by accurate
admeasurement I found to be as follows,
viz., length, 18 feet 6% inches ; breadth,
n feet 7^2 inches; height, 7 feet 5
inches. The north wall is of stone ; on
the other three sides it is enclosed by
brick walls. It has one window on the
west side, from which the place of his
execution can be seen, and one door at
the south end, opening into a passage,
about 8 feet wide, which crosses the
house from east to west."

"August 25M. — Weather very rainy
and unpleasant — I, however, started
about eight o'clock to visit the place of
Andre's execution and burial. This is
on a beautiful and commanding emi-
nence, about half a mile west from the
village of Tappan, at an elevation of
123 feet above the floor of the room in
which he was confined, and 200 feet
above tide water in Hudson's river.

NOTES

The place is distinctly marked at a dis-
tance by two small cedars about 8 feet
high, one of which has grown out of the
southeast corner of the grave, and the
other on the north side, nearly opposite
the centre. The grave can be plainly
distinguished — it has a small head and
foot stone, but without any inscription,
and is encompassed by a small enclosure
of rough stones loosely placed upon
each other. I have been thus minute
upon this subject, because I conceive
that every circumstance connected with
it cannot fail of being interesting to
Americans. Having remained at the
grave until I was completely drenched
with rain, I returned to my lodgings."

The value of the preceding descrip-
tion will be appreciated by those who
gave attention to the lively discussion
in the newspapers last fall in regard to
the location of the grave.

It is probably the first circumstantial
account of Andrews grave and its sur-
roundings, from the time of burial in
1780 until the disinterment of the body
by the British consul, August 10, 182 1.
The writer undoubtedly had the exact
spot indicated to him by his host, Philip
Dubey, who kept a tavern in the same
house for the eighteen years preceding
the Captain's visit.

As Dubey bought the tavern from a
previous proprietor in 1800, twenty years
after Andre's execution, he knew the
location of the grave that gave this vil-
lage public notoriety, and brought guests
to his house.

The measurements made by Captain
Partridge of Andre's prison room are
an interesting addition to the history of
this old stone house, described in the

December number of the Magazine of
American History (III.. 743). It also
confirms the tradition there stated, that
Andre could see the place of execution
from the window. W. K.

The grave of andre. — It is strange
that the residents of New York City re-
mained in ignorance of the fact men-
tioned by Lieut. Shreve, that Andre's
body was carried to that city imme-
diately after the execution. Rivington,
"the King's Printer," reproduced Miss
Seward's Monody in his paper for July
11, 1781, nine months after the spy was
hung. In it occur the following lines :

But no intreaty wakes the soft remorse,
Oh murder'd Andre ! for thy sacred Corse ;
Vain were an Army's, vain its Leader s sighs !
Damp in the Earth on Hudson's shore it lies !
Unshrouded welters in the wintry storm,
And gluts the riot of the Tappan Worm !
But oh ! its dust, like Abel's blood shall rise,,
And call for justice from the angry skies !

What tho' the Tyrants with malignant pride
To thy pale Corse each decent rite deny'd !
Thy graceful limbs in no kind covert laid,
Nor with the Christian Requiem sooth'd thy
shade !

I have looked in vain through the suc-
ceeding numbers for a denial of the
Tappan Worm or a Christian burial.

Another victim of the popular de-
lusion was Timothy Bigelow, who, on
his voyage to Albany in 1815, made the
following entry in his diary : "July 20.
Andre's grave is in an open field in Tap-
pan, with nothing to mark it but a small
tree near it, about two miles west of the
river."

Happily we are better informed than
the ancients in regard to this matter.
Petersfield.

NOTES

Andre's execution. — By an officer
just left Washington's camp, we have
received the melancholy account of the
death of Major Andr£, the Adjutant-
General of the British army, who was
taken as a spy, in negotiating a business
with Genl Arnold, which, if it had suc-
ceeded, would have been nearly the
overthrow of the Americans. This offi-
cer was present at his execution, who
said that he met his fate with that cour-
age and manliness of behaviour that
deeply affected every one present, and
that his severe destiny was universally
lamented. So much was he esteemed
that Gen. Washington shed tears when
the rigorous sentence was put in execu-
tion. When he found that his fate was
inevitably fixed and determined, and
that all intercessions and every exertion
of Sir Henry Clinton to save his life
were in vain, he became perfectly re-
signed ; so extremely composed was
his mind that the night previous to his
execution he drew the situation of the
Vulture sloop, as she lay in the North
River, with a view of West Point, which
he sent by his servant to a general offi-
cer at New York. The only thing that
any way discomposed him, or ruffled his
mind, and at which his feelings ap-
peared hurt, was the refusal of Genl.
Washington to let him die a military
death. In regard to this circumstance,
the officer informed us that Gen. Wash-
ington would have granted this request,
but, on consulting the board of general
officers who signed his condemnation,
they deemed it necessary to put that
sentence in force that was laid down by
the maxims of war ; at the same time
evincing the sincerest grief that they

were forced to comply with, and could
not deviate from the established cus
toms in such cases. — Aubureys Travels.
Iulus.

Andre's execution justified. —
During the autumn of 1780 the Ameri-
can General Arnold, who commanded a
large force at West Point, on the North
River, betrayed the confidence reposed
in him by his party. The secret corre-
spondence between Arnold and the
British commander was carried on
through the medium of Major Andre,
an English officer, who was seized in
disguise, when papers were found on
his person which clearly proved every
particular of the transaction. He was
tried by a board of general officers, as a
spy, and condemned to be hanged ; the
sentence was carried into effect on the
second of October.

The American General has Deen cen-
sured for directing this ignominious sen-
tence to be carried into execution ; but
doubtless Major Andre was well aware,
when he undertook the negotiation, of
the fate that awaited him should he fall
into the hands of the enemy. The laws
of war award to spies the punishment of
death. It would therefore b difficult
to assign a reason why Major Andre
should have been exempted from that
fate to which all others are doomed
under similar circumstances, although
the amiable qualities of the man ren-
dered the individual case a subject of
peculiar commiseration. — Col. MacKin-
nons Origin and Services of the Cold-
stream Guards, II. , 9. W. K.

Washington and andre. — General
Wayne, in a letter dated from Haver-

NOTES

straw, 30th September, 1780, to General
Irvine, printed in the Historical Maga-
zine for October, 1862, uses the follow-
ing significant phrase — the italics are in
the original :

" Nothing from the enemy — neither
ship or boat in view ; the Genl. seems
firm in his intention to hang; — Sir Har-
ry Clinton demands Andre as a flag —
on the representation of Genl Arnold —
who as Com'ing officer at West Point,
&c, says he did & had a right to give it
— but it wont do — " Editor.

Western stage. — The Subscriber
has erected a stage, which will com-
mence running the tenth of May next
weekly, from the city of Albany thro'
Schenectady to Johnstown and Canojo-
hary. The stage will leave Albany every
Friday morning at 6 o'clock and arrive
at Canojohary the next day. Will leave
Canojohary on Tuesday morning at the
same hour, and arrive in Albany the day
following.

This stage being erected for the ac-
comodation of passengers, the fare is
fixed at only three pence per mile. Each
passenger is allowed 141b baggage gratis,
& 1501b baggage is rated equal to a pas-
senger. The Subscriber by endeavoring
to merit the patronage of those gentle-
men & ladies who may honor him with
their company assures himself that he
shall gain the approbation and counte-
nance of the public in general — render a
communication into the Western Coun-
try sure, cheap & expeditious — and
eventually benefit himself — The public's
devoted servant. Moses Beal.

April 29th, 1793.

N. B. He will occasionally go as far

as the Little Falls if desired. — Albany
Gazette, May 27, 1793.
Rhinebeck. F. H. Roof.

The smith house at haverstraw.
— General Wayne, writing from this
house September 27, 1780, to Washing-
ton, in reply to his letter announcing
Arnold's treason, dates his letter from
" Smith's White House." The letter is
printed in the November, 1862, number
of the Historical Magazine. Editor.

The pseudo-princess charlotte. —
In the New Hampshire Gazette of Jan-
uary 14, 1774, appeared the following
notice of this personage, to whom atten-
tion has again been recently called in
the Evening Post of May 19, 1880.
Some time after, she died in Berwick,
Maine ; and it was then again said that
she was a near relation of the then
Queen of England :

"Yesterday came to town [Ports-
mouth] in the Stage Coach from Boston,
the Lady who is said to be the Duchess
or Princess of Crownenburgh, in some of
the southern Papers. She has gone by
the above and different Names and
Titles, as may be seen by our late
Papers.

A correspondent says, it is a pity this
Lady came from New York to Rhode
Island in a Packet, for had she come
through the Colony of Connecticut, we
should certainly have known who and
what she was, as it is generally the cus-
tom at all the Public Houses there, to
ask a stranger what is his Name, and his
business, where he came from, where he
is going, &c, &c, before they will even
give your Horse Oats." C. W. T.

Boston, Mass.

NOTES

Song of the Virginia riflemen,
1776. — Preserved in a small parchment
bound quarto entitled Capt Johannes
Jabs Blauvelt, his Orderly Book, New
York, March 28, 1776, now in the pos-
session of James S. Haring, of Orange-
burg, Rockland County, N. Y., is the
following song, which is presented, with
spelling and without punctuation, pre-
cisely as written. It is a good specimen
of the Dutch-English language of the
colonial mixture.

Com all you bref Virginea man I have you all to

know
It is to fight your enemy you must prepare to

go
Our King he hes fell out wyth us hes a mind to

bindus slavs
Before we well put up wyth it will reither

choose our garevs
We will put op with his Masety our anything

thats gust
And if he wont put op with et he may do his

worste
Our king he has fell out with ous he is very

angry now
I hope that brave america will conker general

hou
As for Lord north he es very proud and grand
He has no friend in america as we can under-
stand
Long thim has ben trying some quarrel to begin
That he might heuve a change the pretender to

brijn in
As for our gouvernor he acted very mene
He stole away our powder out of our magazine
He stole away our poueder and likwist our led
And if hae dont return it he is surd to loose his

head
This is one of the worst wars that ever was be

gun
It is lyke the father that was aganst his sun
I never hard of such a war no not sens neohs

flood
That any christin King creuves his subjects

blood

Thier is manas a brave souldier must go and

loose hys lyf
And menye louven husband must an lcve his

loven wif
But we will kill them my brave bays lik brim-

ston kild the bes
Whear we cold find themse mongst the wosds

and threes
Dount you remember the issralits out of bond-

aege roodis be
And by the hand of moses led through the rid-

dish sees
And the hand of moses end by the power of

god
And by the hand of moses struck the water with

rod

The next entry is in the Dutch
language, that " Johannes Blauvelt
neeft gehaet van Abraham ryku vooghi
van die Staact Van Kaspaarus Conklyn
4 Gin mis." Editor.

Pulaski's war horse. — To be sold
at Public Auction, on Monday next,
February 17th. A Charger, the most com-
pleat Horse ever mounted by an officer.
He was formerly the property of the late
Count Polasky, who lost his life on him,
in storming the Abbatis of Savannah, in
Georgia. His present owner intending
to depart from this city, is the reason of
his being offered for sale. Notwith-
standing the low condition he is in at
present, his great abilities as a War
Horse, is so well known to the officers
of the British army, who served to the
Southward, and to the world in general,
who heard of Count Polasky, that em-
bellishments are unnecessary. He is only
seven years old, perfectly sound in wind
and limbs. Sold last May for 130
Guineas. Bradly and Reardan. — Royal
Gazette, N. K, Feb. 15, 1783.

Petersfield.

QUERIES

Paine's common sense. — In Rick-
man's Life of Paine (page 61) there is
the following : " When Common Sense
arrived at Albany [this should be New
York City] the Convention of New York
was in session. General Scott, a leading
member, alarmed at the boldness and
novelty of its arguments, mentioned his
fears to several of his distinguished col-
leagues, and suggested a private meeting
in the evening for the purpose of writing an
answer. They accordingly met, and Mr.
McKesson read the pamphlet thro','' &c.

I found, a few weeks ago, what appears
to be the particular copy read on the
above occasion. It has on the title page
the autograph of John McKesson. On
the margin of page i there is the follow-
ing writing of the person who sent him
the pamphlet :

" Sir, I have only to ask the favour of
you to read this pamphlet consulting Mr.
Scott and such of the Committee of Safe-
ty as you think proper, particularly Or-
ange and Ulster, and let me know their
and your opinion of the general spirit of
it. I would have wrote a letter on the
subject. But the bearer is waiting.
Henry Wisner,

at Philadelphia
To John McKesson,

at New York."

McKesson was the Secretary of the
N. Y. Provincial Congress. Wisner was
a N. Y. delegate in Congress, who has
not received adequate credit for the fact
that he voted for the Declaration of
Independence in opposition to the in-
structions of his State and the example
of all his colleagues. F. Burdge.

John paul jones at the French
opera. — Paris, April 24, 1780. An
American officer was yesterday at the
opera in company with Dr. Franklin's
grandson. They sat in a front box.
The pitt paid great attention to him ;
but between the acts the name of Paul
Jones having passed from mouth to
mouth, great applause resounded imme-
diately. The officer to whom they were
addressed could not mistake their object.
He rose and thanked the public several
times. It was Commodore Paul Jones
himself, whom the pitt and boxes re-
ceived in this distinguished manner. In
going out the passages were crowded
with multitudes who wished to have a
near view of him, and their applause
continued till he got in his coach. —
The New Jersey Gazette, October 18,
1780. Iulus.

, QUERIES.

Mr. pintard's curious collection
entitled hobartiana. — In a letter of
Mr. John Nitchie of the American Bi-
ble Society, in 1824, there is a mention
of "a curious collection," which had
been made by Mr. Pintard, of papers,
" partly in print and partly in manu-
script," connected with the controversy
between the party in the Episcopal
Church which followed the lead of
Bishop Hobart in opposing the union of
churchmen with other denominations for
the distribution of the Bible, and those
who,*under the lead of Dr. James Mil-
ner and Judge William Jay, opposed the
view of the Bishop and maintained the
right and duty of churchmen to assist in
spreading the Bible.

QUERIES

This collection, which, in recognition
of the eminent and energetic prelate
who bore so prominent a part in the
contest, Mr. Pintard had named " Ho-
bartiana," he proposed to deposit in the
library of the American Bible Society.
That intention does not seem to have
been carried into effect, and it becomes an
interesting question, where the collection
may now be, as it would doubtless be most
useful, if not invaluable, for reference
to the history of that important contro-
versy which from 18 16 to 1824 was con-
ducted on either side with so much
spirit and determination.

A Churchman.

Philip nolan. — What is known of
Philip Nolan, the hero of Edward E.
Hale's romance," Philip Nolan's Friends,
a Story of the Change of Western Em-
pire." From my reading he is hardly
entitled to the encomiums passed upon
him in this story. Inquisitor.

Burning of hackensack. — Where
can any account be found of the pres-
ence of Col. Richard Varick in the
house of the Reverend Dr. Romeyn
when this village was burned ? It is
said that he escaped being made a pris-
oner in a remarkable manner.

Bergen.

Travelers' rest. — This was the
name of the country seat of General
Gates, the conqueror of Burgoyne. It
was near Berkeley, Virginia. Is the
mansion still standing, and by whom is
it now occupied, or owned, and are there
any views of it, printed or engraved ?

Iulus.

THOM.AS JONES' HISTORY OF NEW YORK.

— I notice from the editor's statement
that this history has not been printed in
entire conformity with the text, some
parts being amended and others omit-
ted. Where can the original manuscript
be seen ? On application at the N. Y.
Historical Society, by whom the book
was published, I was informed that it
was not in their collection. Yet it
seems proper that they should be the
custodians of a manuscript of this char-
acter, to which they give their warrant
of authenticity and correctness.

Iulus.

Tavern signs. — In the vicinity of
New York, when a boy, I remember
mention made of three tavern signs that
have passed into history, viz.; "The
Three Pidgeons " in New Jersey, " The
Blue Bell" at Fort Washington, and
"The Cross Keys" on the King's
Bridge road.

Can any of your readers inform us
where these sign-boards are now, or do
they exist? T. A.

Major henley. — Information is re-
quested as to the present representative
of the family of the brave Major Hen-
ley, who was killed on the Harlem River
while gallantly attacking the enemy's
post in the fall of 1776. Gerardus.

Block house point. — Any informa-
tion concerning the attack on this Re-
fugee Post by General Wayne on the
2 1 st July, 1780, will be gratefully re-
ceived by

Charles H. Winfield.

Jersey City.

REPLIES

Bauman's plan of yorktown. —
The copper plate of this interesting
plan was in the possession of a daughter
of this distinguished engineer, who re-
sided, I believe, in Dutchess County
after the death of her father. It is said
that it passed into the hands of a ped-
dler for its metal value. As the centen-
nial anniversary of the siege of York-
town approaches it becomes a matter of
extreme interest to know if it is still in
existence. T. H. R.

New York.

CORNWALLIS' ORDER BOOK, 1780-I.

In one of the local histories of North
Carolina there appears a statement that
the order books of the British General
from Camden to Guilford Court House
are in possession of some private person
in North Carolina. Can any certain
information be had concerning these
documents? H. P. T.

REPLIES

King sears. — [IV., 461] A short
biographical sketch of this once popular
hero appeared in Stevens' Colonial
Records of the New York Chamber of
Commerce. As this work is out of print
it is here reproduced in full :

Isaac Sears was one of the foremost figures in
the stirring scenes enacted in America during
the latter half of the past century. His pro-
fession as the Captain of a peaceful trader being
broken up by the French war, he entered at
once into privateering. In 1757 he took out the
Dogger Decoy of 6 guns, and later the sloop of
war Catherine ; but his most daring exploits
were while in charge of the sloop Belle-Isle of
14 guns, owned by John Schermerhorn & Co.,
[of New York] merchants, which put to sea in

1759. In September he fell in with a large
French sloop of 24 guns and eighty men, and
attacked her without h'esitation. He was twice
disabled and forced to withdraw to refit. The
third time he grappled the Frenchman and a
long contest took place, but the grappling giving
way the sloop sheered off, with nine men killed
and twenty wounded. A gale springing up
separated the vessels. In 1761 he was ship-
wrecked on the Isle of Sables, and he with
difficulty saved his own and the lives of his
crew. The prestige of these exploits gave him
a strong moral ascendancy over his fellow citi-
zens, and he seems to have fairly won the title
of King, which was given to him. In the re-
sistance to the Stamp Act, and the daily
struggles which took place with the soldiery
about the Liberty Pole, Sears was always in the
front rank, and exposed himself without hesita-
tion. A complete sketch of his life would
make a history of this stormy period, for there
is hardly an event connected with it in which he
does not appear. Fresneau in his poetical squib
upon Gaine, the trimming editor of the New
York Mercury, gives an amusing account of
him :

" At this time there arose a certain King Sears,
Who made it his study to banish our fears.
He was, without doubt, a person of merit,
Great knowledge, some wit, and abundance of

spirit ;
Could talk like a lawyer, and that without fee,
And threatened perdition to all that drank

TEA."

He was one of the Committee of Correspond-
ence of Fifty-one in 1774, and clung steadfastly
to his old friend McDougall in the divisions in
that body. He was also one of the General
Committee of One Hundred chosen by the
citizens in 1775. He was known from one end
of America to the other as a daring Son of Lib-
erty. When John Hancock passed through
New York in May, 1775, he lodged with Mr.
Sears. In the autumn of that year Sears
entered the city at noonday with a company of
Connecticut Light-Horse and destroyed the
Tory press of Rivington, which had made itself
obnoxious to the Wh'gs. Before the War be

REPLIES

was engaged in a small importing business,
which does not appear to have been very satis-
factory, as he accepted the post of Inspector of
Pot and Pearl ashes, which he held till 1772.
During the war he was engaged in some busi-
ness in Boston, but returned to New York at
the peace and made a partnership with his son-
in-law, Parshal N. Smith, who appears at an
earlier period as a captain cf an eastern trader.
Their business was not successful, and Mr.
Sears again resumed his voyages. He died in
China on the 28th October, 1786. His son
Isaac died at Washington in February, 1795.

Sears was the leader of the 'long shore
men, who were mostly from New Eng-
land, and he exercised an almost despotic
authority over this hardy and restless
body of men, whose sympathies were all
in favor of liberty, and whose animosity
to Great Britain was kept alive by the
perpetual abuses of authority by the
British officers, among which the opera-
tions of the press gang were particularly
felt by them. Editor.

An ancient gold medal. — (IV.,
214.) The Magdeburg Medal, described
in the March number, derives its im-
portance from the supposition that it at
one time belonged to Jacob Leisler.
From the number of pieces still extant
credited to that historical personage, I
was inclined to enroll him ■ among our
earliest American collectors, until I met
with a note in your Magazine for May,
1878 (II., 309) which in my judgment
explains the matter. It is an advertise-
ment inserted by Mrs. Farmar in a New
York newspaper of 30th August, 1783,
and reads as follows :

" To be sold, an original picture of
Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer
of America ; also a parcel of very

ancient Gold and Silver Medals, well
worth the attention of the curious.
Enquire of Mrs. Maria Farmar, in Han-
over Square."

As Captain Jasper Farmar, the hus-
band of Maria, was one of the most
successful privateersmen of his day, the
inference is that the " parcel of very
ancient Gold and Silver Medals" was
part of the spoil of those light-infantry-
men of the sea. Mrs. Farmar probably
preserved it on account of the metal,
and not for any historical association.
Numismatist.

The jews in Newport. — [IV., 456]
Arnold (History of Rhode Island, I., 479,)
says that they petitioned in 1684 for
protection. They contributed for a cen-
tury to the prosperity of the colony,
making Newport their centre. Not one
of their descendants now remain there,
but Abraham Touro (a son of their last
priest), who died at Boston in 1822, left
a fund of $15,000 for the support of the
Synagogue and Cemetery on Touro street,
Newport. — Notes to Massachusetts His-
torical Collections, VI., 95. J. A. S.

The andre plot. — (HI-, 63S.)
Sparks, in his Life and Treason of Gen-
eral Arnold, gives an account which
almost answers the query of Tappaan.
He described the scene on the opening,
by Hamilton, of the despatches disclos-
ing the treason of Arnold at Robinson's
House and Washington's conduct.

"The mystery was here solved, and
the whole extent of the plot was made
manifest. No uncertainty now existed
as to the course Arnold had taken. It
was clear he had gone to the enemy.

REPLIES

Hamilton was immediately ordered to
mount a horse and ride to Verplanck's
Point, that preparations might be made
for stopping him should he not already
have passed that post. Washington
called Lafayette and Knox, to whom he
told what had happened, and showed
the papers. He was perfectly calm,
and only said to Lafayette, ' Whom can
we trust now ? ' For a considerable
time no other persons were acquainted
with the secret, nor did Washington
betray in his actions or countenance any
symptoms of anxiety or excitement."

Colonel Gouvion arrested Smith on the
night of the 25th, the day on which
Washington arrived at . Arnold's head-
quarters from his interview with Ro-
chambeau at Hartford. Gouvion had
accompanied the General in the suite of
the Marquis de Lafayette. He was his
Chief of Artillery. Washington was
therefore certain he could not have been
in the plot ; and he was on the spot.

Editor.

Casselii dissert. — (IV., 220.) This
pamphlet of sixteen pages was written
by Johann Philip Cassel, of Bremen,
born 1707, died 1783. He was Pro-
fessor of History, etc., there, and pub-
lished a number of learned historical
and philological essays ; also works on
the Hanseatic League, on the medals of
Bremen, etc. Besides the one men-
tioned, he wrote one entitled "Dis-
sertatis philologico Historica de Naviga-
tionibus fortuitis in A??iericane, ante C.
Columbum factisj Madgeburgi, 1742.
Sm. 40, pp. 30." These essays are well
known to scholars. Adam of Bremen,
whose Historia Ecclesiastica, written in

the eleventh century, was first published
in 1595, first told the story of the Fri-
sian voyage, placing it in the year
900. Blefkenius, in his Is/andia, re-
peats it. Adelung, in his Geschichte der
Schiffahrten, etc., 1768, doubts its au-
thenticity. Essays on the pre-Colum-
bian discovery of America, omitting the
Icelandic one, have been published by
Fritsch, Hadelich, Deuber and others.
The subject has been more recently in-
vestigated by Humboldt, Deuber and
Peschel. J. C. B.

Samuel dodge. — (III., 203.) An
account of this family may be found in
the " Todd Genealogy, by R. H. Greene,
New York, 1867," a copy of which is in
the Astor Library. Jeremiah of Cow
Neck, L. I., had a son Samuel, who en-
listed at the age of sixteen, was ensign
at Saratoga, captain at the close of the
war, and married Ann Stansbury of
Baltimore. He had a cousin Samuel,
Jr. (son of Samuel, a younger brother
of Jeremiah), who enlisted, probably
at Poughkeepsie, in 1776, became
lieutenant, and served throughout the
war. He died, leaving no issue.

J. C. B.

The bowerie. — (IV., 224-4.) This
word is properly spelled, " Bouw-
erij," and derived from "bouw," tillage
or "bouwen," to till, cultivate, and is
equivalent to the modern Dutch word
"boerderij," a farm or the business of
farming. Wherever it occurs in the old
records, it distinctly means a farm or
plantation, without reference to a '* shad-
ed lane." B. F.

Albany.

LITERARY NOTICES

( Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post Office.)

MEMOIR AND LETTERS OF CHARLES
Sumner. By Edward L. Pierce. 2 vols.,
8vo, pp. 380—403. Roberts Brothers.
Boston, 1878.

By his will Mr. Sumner left to three gentle-
men, of whom Mr. Pierce is one, the entire con-
trol of his manuscripts. The fourteen volumes
of his works revised by himself begin with the
Oration on the True Grandeur of Nations, de-
livered July 4, 1845, he himself held to be the
initial step in his public career. In this famous
oration he threw down the gauntlet against
slavery and war, and entered with vigor and
enthusiasm on an aggressive career of personal
combat which only closed with his life. In the
present memoir his biographer has confined
himself to the period preceding this public
assumption of a moral mission. The early
training which was the basis of his thorough and
Catholic education, the aesthetic tendencies of
his cultured mind, and the wide acquaintance
with the ruling classes of society abroad and at
home, are all subjects of interest in the study of
one whose name will stand as long as the
English language, or the name of the Great
Republic shall remain, as the Apostle of free-
dom to the slave. Of a Puritan family, grand-
son of a distinguished officer of the revolution,
and the son of a patriotic and public spirited
gentleman, Sumner naturally inherited an honor-
able pride of lineage, of race, and of country.
Travel, and the seductive blandishments of the
higher social life of England and the Continent,
did not serve to mar his love of country, or divert
him from a belief in her institutions, and he
remained to the close a true American. No
American statesman had a more thorough per-
sonality than Sumner. None would less brook
contradiction of his opinions, direct or implied.
It was this very self-assertion that gave him his
power. Arrogance he met with scorn, assump-
tion with the silence of contempt, denunciation
with an invective as bitter as withering, and a
keen thrust which never failed to find the fault
in the harness of the adversary. He was at
once the most rude and most polite of men — the
most disagreeable and charming of companions.
He brooked no independent argument, but if
allowed his own free course, was one of the
most fascinating conversationists of his day. In
his letters he is at his best ; graceful, suggestive,
and often highly imaginative, his easy phrase is
rarely tainted with the exaggeration which dis-
figured the flights of his forensic eloquence.

From his earliest days he was of a thoughtful,
studious habit ; by one of those strange incon-
sistencies which life often presents, his early

ambition was to receive a West Point education,
and devote himself to the profession of the
very art against which his first invective was
directed. But this w.is not to be, and the
youthful aspirant for military glory passed from
the Latin school to the quiet shades of Harvard,
from which he was graduated in 1830 at the age
of nineteen. As a boy he had been a constant
reader, and at the Latin school he had acquired
a love for the classics. At college he seems to
have pursued these tastes for classical and belles-
lettres literature to the sacrifice of the exact
sciences. The influence of this period was
never lost upon him — indeed gave color to his
entire life. His orations abound in allusions
from classic and mythic lore ; and quotations
from the ancients are as common in his speeches
as though he had been trained in the English
Parliamentary school of orators, who thought a
speech would fall dead upon the hustings unless
wound up with a bit of Latin or Greek. From
college he went to the Harvard Law School,
where he fell into a close intimacy with th.e
great jurist, Judge Story, whose extensive learn-
ing and personal fascination exercised a strong
attraction upon the youth in whose mind letters
and law were already struggling for mastery.
Sumner took to the law with avidity, but it was
the literature of the law, not the practice, which
had for him the greatest charm. The history of
law is almost the history of mankind — the his-
tory of human error, the history of human
progress — history itself, in its broadest sense.
Hence, ethics and international law were to
him the most engrossing themes. How wide
his range his. own words, written from the Law
School in 1831 to a friend and classmate, best
tell. "Volumes upon volumes are to be mas-
tered of the niceties of the law, and the whole
circle of literature and science and history must
be compassed."

After Judge S f ory, the person who had at this
period most influence on his destiny, was Dr.
Francis Lieber, whose acquaintance he made in
Washington in 1834 soon after leaving the law
school. On this visit he met with many distin-
guished men, Wheaton, Binney, Peters and
Choate. Returned to Boston, he began the
practice of his profession, his first case being
the defence of a man indicted for sending a chal-
lenge. His associate in the case was George S.
Hillard with whom he had made a law partner-
ship. He is said by his biographer to have suc-
ceeded as well as the average of young lawyers.
In 1837, by the assistance of his friends, he
carried out an ardent desire of his youth to
visit Europe, taking with him letters to the emi-
nent jurists and savans of the Old World, and

LITERARY NOTICES

the sympathies of a large circle of friends. His
letters from abroad, and numerous letters of his
friends to him, form to the general reader the
most attractive part of this volume. The courts,
theatres, and balls, public and private, and the
characteristics of the eminent personages with
whom he came in contact are described with
easy freedom. In England he was received
with cordiality, and is still remembered by those
who gladly welcomed Everett, Ticknor, Adams,
Longfellow, Motley and Winthrop, as "the
most genial of them all." Young as he was he
was not spoiled by the attention lavished upon
him. Indeed, many of his opinions concerning
English statesmen were corrected to their dis-
advantage after personal interviews. Lyndhurst
he judged to be " unprincipled as a politician and
as a man," and Brougham he "could no longer
paint as the pure and enlightened orator of
Christianity, civilization and humanity." Pie
was wearied with Macaulay's ringing voice, and
liked " Bulwer better than he (Sumner) wished."
In the second volume we find his impressions of
Italy and Germany. In Venice, Florence and
Rome he cultivated his taste for the fine arts,
which grew upon him as age advanced, and
formed his chief home pleasures ; and filled up
the intervals of admiratiou by a study of Italian
authors, from Boccacio to Manzoni in the
scenes they describe. After his summer in the
classic ground, he went to Germany for the
winter, where he studied German at Heidelberg.
One of the most charming letters in the volume
is that written here to Judge Story. The suc-
ceeding May, 1840, he returned home, and tried
his best to assimilate himself to his profession ;
but in vain. His mind recurred to the scenes
he had left, and could not be held down to the
dry details of law — though he embraced eagerly
every opening that presented in the higher range
of the practice. There was at this period a
greater jealousy in the profession of the belles-
lettres than now. Law was an exacting mistress.
That a practitioner should indulge in a maga-
zine article on a subject of literature or art was
a .sufficient bar to paying cases. Meanwhile
two • questions arose, which presented him an
opening'for the display of the extensive learning
he had acquired in the broad range of his
study. The right of search even in its limited
form of inquiry was claimed by the British Sec-
retary and resisted by the American Minister.
Mr. Sumner maintained the right in elaborate
and able argument in the press. Mr. Webster
resisted it, and the British Government finally
waived it. But by mutual treaty it was agreed
upon by Lord Lyons and Mr. Seward in the
treaty of 1862, as far as it affected vessels sus-
pected of being engaged in the slave trade — and
this was no doubt all that Mr. Sumner desired
in his support of the system. It is an instance,
however, of the constant habit of his mind, to

subordinate every consideration, even national,
to the one main purpose of his life, the aboli-
tion ( f slavery. As yet, however, he had not
distinctly joined the Abolitionists. His first
public connection with this question in any form
was his vehement denunciation of the position
taken by Mr. Webster in the case of the Creole,
a vessel on which, during her voyage from
Hampton Roads to New Orleans, one hundred
and thirty-five slaves rose in mutiny. The ves-
sel was violently seized and taken into Nassau.
Mr. Webster demanded the return of the slaves.
Channing replied in an indignant pamphlet, and
Sumner was eagerly enlisted on the same side.
His literary career was now drawing to a close,
and every nerve of his stalwart, sinewy frame,
every power of his well-trained massive intel-
lect, all directed by his single purpose and
unconquerable will, were to be thrown in
one unalterable direction, the abolition of
slavery.

It is because there is so little of political dis-
cussion in these volumes that they are so fas-
cinating. To many no doubt they are as yet
strangers, because of the fear that their subject
will be found ponderous and labored. Not so.
Here we are not ushered into the Cabinet of the
Minister, or the parlor of the statesman, but
made familiar in the quiet study of an appre-
ciative lover of literature, of art and of polite
society.

BIBLIOGRAPHIA GENEALOGICA AMER-
ICANA : an Alphabetical Index to American
Genealogies and Pedigrees contained in State,
County and Town Histories, Printed Geneal-
ogies, and kindred works. By Daniel S.
Durrie. Second edition, revised and enlarged.
8vo, pp. 239. Joel Munsell. Albany, 1878.
The first edition of this well-known Genea-
logic Index appeared in 1868, and contained an
alphabetic arrangement of more than ten thou-
sand names, extracted from several hundred vol-
umes of historical and biographical publications.
The wisdom of the course adopted by the learned
and distinguished compiler in giving to the world
the result of his study with as reasonal le com-
pleteness as any such works admit of, is now
shown. With this starting-point of ascertained
information and the results of subsequent labors
in the same field, he is now enabled to add, at
the close of a decade, about five thousand addi-
tional references. To these, in another decade,
will no doubt be added even a larger number,
and the historian and genealogist will hereafter
have from this publication a thorough knowledge
of all that has been printed in these branches. It
should be on the shelves of every American his-
torical library.

LITERARY NOTICES

SUMMER VACATIONS AT MOOSEHEAD
Lake and Vicinity. A Practical ^ Guide
Book for Tourists ; describing routes for the
canoe-man over the principal waters of
Northern Maine, with hints to campers, and
estimates of expense for tours. (Illustrated,
&c.) By Lucius L. Hubbard. 321110, pp.
145. A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1879.
We commend this beautiful little guide book
most unhesitatingly. Season after season in
the forties we have tramped and canoed along
the routes recommended here, and what would
we not have cheerfully given for such an
admirable practical adviser. In the summer
of 1847 we left the boat at Bangor, walked to
Old Town, took the little steamer propelled by a
stern wheel over the rapids, to the mouth of
the Piscataquis, walked along its border and
over the beautiful table land to the foot of
Moosehead Lake ; thence by canoe to Mount
Kineo, and along Moose river through Brassua
and Long ponds and Holden settlements, where
we dismissed our guide and the canoe, and
footed it again by the ruins of the old tavern of
the "Lion and the Eagle," which marked the
border line, and thence by the old Canada road,
that which Arnold took in the winter of 1775-6,
and through the valley of the Chaudiere to
-Quebec. If any one desire to make such an
excursion, we can guarantee him with the aid of
this guide book, a delightful trip. But there
are others shorter and as charming. The illus-
trations are admirably executed, and there is a
capital map.

HISTORY OF THE HARVARD CHURCH

IN CHARLESTOWN, 1S15-1879, WITH SER-
VICES at the Ordination of Mr. Pitt
Dillingham, October 4, 1876 ; Proceed-
ings of the Council, and the Pastor's
First Sermon. 8vo, pp. 294. Printed for
the Society, 1879.

From the historical sketch of this church it
appears that the congregation which erected a
church and purchased the Baptist meeting on
High Street, Charlestown, in 18 15, separated
from the First Church in Charlestown. They
were discontented with the Calvinistic spirit
which controlled the. original organization, and
was strongest at that period under the guidance
of the Rev. Dr. Morse, *' the acknowledged
leader and special champion of the Calvinistic
party in New England." In the words of the
author, the new organization was carried along
in the <c magnetic and irresistible current of lib-
eral Christianity, which was rapidly attracting to
its standard the intelligent and cultured portion

of a large community." The pulpit was succes-
sively filled by Mr. Thomas Prentiss, 1817;
Mr. James Walker, 181S-1S39 (later the beloved
President of Harvard College) ; Mr. George
Edward Ellis, 1840-1869 ; the Rev. Charles
Edward Grinnell, 1S69-1873, and has, since 1876,
been occupied by Mr. Pitt Dillingham. They
have in turn worthily represented the liberal
theology of which Channing was the first expo-
nent in America.

The volume is admirably edited and elegantly
printed, and is an excellent contribution to a
special class of literature which has an interest of
its own. It has a copious, well arranged index.

CAMP-MEETINGS ; THEIR ORTGIN, HIS-
TORY and Utility, also their perversion
and how to correct it ; embracing a care-
ful review of the Sabbath question. By S.
C. Swallow. 32mo, pp. 68. Nelson &
Phillips. New York, 1879.
The camp-meeting is thoroughly an American
institution — a soft of religious barbecue, and resem-
bling it in more ways than one. It first seems to
have been devised in the year 1 799 by the brothers,
John and William McGee, both preachers, the
former Methodist, the latter Presbyterian, and
both serving congregations in West Tennessee,
who set off together on a tour through " The
Barrens " to the State of Ohio. On their way
they stopped at a settlement on Red River,
where they were invited to preach. They were
followed by another Presbyterian minister named
H oge. The sermons were powerful, the weather
no doubt warm, the public excitement intense,
extending over a wide district of country. The
house being too small, a grove was selected, a
stand built. The people flocked in with wagons ;
tents were made of the forest boughs, and the
first camp-meeting was inaugurated by the Meth-
odist McGee.

Thus it is seen that for this sensational mode
of religious instruction, which has peculiar attrac-
tion for the emotional nature of the African, the
quiet and dispassionate Presbyterians must bear
their share of responsibility, of blame, or of
praise. In 1807 Lorenzo Dow introduced the
American camp-meeting in England. While
the author does not hesitate to condemn the
abuse of the institution, he holds that they are
still needed to neutralize the selfishness of long-
isolated local churches. History is full of the
power of that strange force which seems to be
generated by the contact of masses of men, but
of which no satisfactory explanation has yet been
given. It is visible on these occasions. It need
not be neglected , but there are other and better
ways of promoting the cause of religion than by
scare.

7°

LITERARY NOTICES

ART AND ARTISTS IN CONNECTICUT.
By H. W. French. The Pioneers of Art in
America. 4:0, pp. 176. Lee & Shepard.
Boston, 1879.

The history of the fine arts in the State of
Connecticut, would, the author supposes, seem
at first sight too narrow a subject to attract
general interest, but he thoroughly vindicates
her claim to separate treatment, and presents in
these careful chapters both a satisfactory account
of the beginning and development of art in the
colony which took its culture and tone from
Yale and an analysis of the lives and labors of
her distinguished artists. The Art Walhalla,
like the House of Representatives, is becoming a
very democratic and populous institution, and we
freely confess that the fame of some of the artists,
male and female, of the former, like that of
some of the great orators of the latter, have not
reached our ears, but the names of Trumbull,
Cole, Huntington, Church, have world-wide
reputation, and all of these are connected with
the art of our sister State. The book is profusely
illustrated, but in a manner with which we have
little sympathy.

PHILOSOPHY, HISTORICAL AND CRIT-
ICAL. By Andre Lefevre. Translated with
an introduction by A. H. Keane. i6mo, pp.
598. J. B. LlPPlNCOTT & Co. Philadelphia,
1879.

Lefevre is a materialist of the most advanced
modern school, uncompromising in his opinions,
clear in his method, and strong in his logic. For
this his book is, as his translator remarks, all the
more dangerous. In a word, he is an atheist in
the thorough definition of a word which is more
misapplied than any other term in the language.
The theory of evolution, here called the great
intellectual fact of the day, does not necessarily
imply a di belief in Deity or a first cause.

The first part of the book treats of Primitive
Times ; Antiquity ; the Intermediate Period, or
that of the decadence of the Greek Schools ; Juda-
ism and Christianity ; The Renaissance ; Modern
Times, and is a history of the different systems
of philosophy from the beginning of recorded
thought. The second part develops the author's
own theories in chapters entitled The Universe ;
The Living World ; The Intellectual Mechanism
in the Individual and the Intellectual Mechanism
in presence of the Universe and Society.

His analysis of the different philosophic and
theologic schools, and of the minds of the men
who founded them from Epicurus to Augustine,
from Bacon to Voltaire, and of Comte and Stuart
Mill, are admirable in their keen appreciation of
subtle distinction.': and the most valuable part of

the book. They are all measured and judged
from his own point of view. The translation is
perfect.

OLD TIMES; A MAGAZINE DEVOTED
to the Preservation and Publication of Docu-
ments relating to the early History of North
Yarmouth, Maine, including, as far as possible,
any incidents wor.hy of record relative to the
towns of Harpswell, Freeport, Pownal, Cum-
berland and Yarmouth, all offshoots of the old
town. Vol. 3, No. 3, July 1, 1879. Svo, pp.
361,396. Augustus W. Corliss. Yarmouth,
Maine, 1879.

The success of this enterprise is an example of
the good historical work that can be done by an
earnest student. Mr. Corliss is a Captain in the
8th Infantry, U. S. A., and Post Commander at
Fort McDermit, Nevada. In the leisure of his
official duties he has found time to edit the Mag-
azine of which this is the eleventh number. He
is owner, editor, publisher and printer, having
taught himself the art of the latter with an 8 x 10
inch handpress. He writes that he has material
for twelve more issues, and that material con-
tinues to flow in abundantly, a large part being
of a genealogical character. The venture has
earned the success it deserves.

AROOSTOOK. With some Account of the Ex-
cursion thither of the Editors of Maine in the
Year 1858, and of the Colony of Swedes, set-
tled in the town of New Sweden, by Edward
R. Elwell, editor Portland Transcript. 8vo,
pp. 50. Transcript Printing Company.
Portland, 1878.

In these pages one of the fraternity gives an
excellent account of the success of a practical
effort on the part of the editors of Maine to en-
courage the settlement of the fertile portions of
the State of Maine, which was secured by th^
persistence of her people and the friendly diplo-
macy of Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton in
1842, which alone averted a breach between
their respective governments, and a national in-
stead of the local "Aroostook war," as the
struggle between the American and Canadian
settlers was termed. Having footed or staged
it over the whole of this beautiful region, from
St. Johns to the Piscataquis, we can bear per-
sonal testimony to the accuracy of the description
of the fertility of soil and beauty of the land-
scape.

A second chapter gives an account of the second
editorial excursion undertaken in 1S78, at the in-
vitation of the people of Northern Aroostook to

LITERARY NOTICES

view the progress made under the initiative wisely
taken twenty years previous and carried forward,
There are interesting details of the progress made
in clearing and farming, of the simple habits of
the Acadian French, and the picturesque villages
which retain the characteristics of Normandy
and Touraine in adornment and color, and of the
Colony of New Sweden, founded by W. W.
Thomas, Jr., and now in full tide of prosperity.

THIRTY YEARS IN CALIFORNIA. A
Contribution to the History of the
State from 1849 to 1S79. By S. H. YVilley,
D. D. 8vo, pp. 76. A. L. Bancroft & Co.
San Francisco, 1879.

The future historian will recognize with satis-
faction the results of the vast impulse given to
historical investigation by the Centennial cele-
bration. The materials are being gathered with
industry and made accessible everywhere. It is
one of our chief pleasures to notice every out-
growth of this healthy sentiment. Dr. YVilley
landed in California on the 23d of February,
1849. Peace with Mexico had been ratified and
the country was settling down into quietude.
His sketch therefore covers the history of the
American State. Strangely different now from
what it was in our young days, long before the
Mexican war, when, hearing that a friend had
gone to California, a youthful curiosity to find
the place on the map was only gratified with a
meagre outline relieved by no indication of
topography or settlement. The escape of Cali-
fornia in 1846 from Mormon occupation is
described and many early incidents related.
The personal interest is in the author's account
of his life as a school teacher and preacher and
the beginnings of the Howard Presbyterian
Church in California in 1850. Hard labor it
was to turn the thoughts of men from the visible
Mammon which glittered in the sands and from
the hillsides.

WILLIAM WELLS OF SOUTHOLD, AND
his Descendants a. d. 1638 to 1878. By the
Rev. Charles Wells Hayes. 8vo, pp. 300,
Baker, Jones & Co. Buff a o, N. Y., 1S7S.
In the opinion of the compiler of this exhaustive
genealogy, the ancient cathedral city of Norwich
was the English birthplace of William Wells of
Southcld, the common ancestor of the Long
Island families of that name. By tradition he
was son of the Rev William Wells, Rector of
the Church of St. Peter Mancroft, and Preben-
dary of Norwich Cathedral 1613-20 ; who was
descended from one of the most ancient baronial
families in the kingdom. William Wells, the
first of the Long Island family, is supposed to
have arrived from Connecticut, in the following

of the Rev. John Youngs, at the eastern extremity
of Long Island in September, 1640, where a
religious society was formed under his direction.
He married in or before 1653 Bridget, widow of
Henry Tuthill, of Southold, and second, about
1654, Mary, whose family name is said to have
been Youngs, from whom the line in the name
of Wells is descended. He left two sons, Wil-
liam and Joshua. A well-arranged index adds
to the practical genealogic value of the work,
which is well printed on good paper and with a
serviceable cover. There is a plate of the family
arms and some tombstone illustrations.

ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE
City Council and Citizens of Boston,
on the One Hundred and Third Anni-
versary of the Declaration of Ameri-
can Independence, July 4, 1879, by Henry
Cabot Lodge. Svo, pp. 44. Printed by
order of the City Council, 1S79.
The spirit of the Nation is the same as when
Independence day was first celebrated. Exu-
berance is not the necessary accompaniment of
deep feeling. Now that we are full one hun-
dred years and more, we can take a quiet view
of ourselves, of our past, of our present, of our
future. This Mr. Lodge has done in his
scholarly oration. His rapid summary of the
intent, conduct and results of the military fiasco
of the second War with Great Britain, is admir-
able in its conciseness. He shows us that the
kernel of our nationality was at stake ; it was vin-
dicated. Our naval victories forever established
the freedom of the seas, and the terror of our
marine still holds in check the aggressive spirit
of our English cousins. The divergence be-
tween the social systems, which increased in
extent as improvements in machinery made
cotton one of the factors of civilization, and
increased the slave power, is well narrated, and
with it the growth of the separation which ended
in open war. The South raised the banner of
absolute State supremacy, the North replied
with the cry of National Unity. Even the word
Union was discarded by many as susceptible of
double meaning, as involving the idea of separ-
ation. But Mr. Lodge is mistaken in his state-
ment that the Union was in danger in 1S14. Had
Massachusetts struck the blow she meditated,
she " would have been dashed to pieces " — not
the Union. Nor yet can we accede to the state-
ment that it was the democracy of Plymouth and
the aristocrary of Jamestown which later came
to arms The slaveholders were in an immense
minority in the southern armies. Two systems
were in arms, it is true, but the ownership of
slaves can not be held to form an aristocracy,
not yet is the use of the word tenantry justified
as applied to compulsory laborers.

LITERARY NOTICES

The danger to democracy, the terrible foe to
the system, Mr. Lodge sees in the strife between
classes. This we have not yet, and if it be to
come it is by no means certain that the powers
of repression are not as strong in a democracy
as in any other form of government. That we
are not exempt from the dangers which threaten
all society is not to be denied. That we are not
as much exposed to them as other nations we
firmly believe. There is one safety valve in
democracies, the power of the majority to right
their own wrongs. Thus in our more liberal
States, as New York, for instance, the causes of
complaint are removed from the poorer classes
by legislation ; asylums, hospitals, charitable
institutions of every nature relieve the laboring
class of its burthen, and leave their arms free
for self support and self advancement. Whether
this will prove sufficient is a question that this
generation has not been called upon to decide.
The attention of the best thought in the world
is now turned to the difficult adjustment of the
rights of capital and labor. Society is never in
danger of evils which it foresees. The hidden
grangrenes are those which corrupt and destroy;
and concealment is not possible in democracies.
Regeneration is not necessary, but neither as
individuals nor as society can we stand still.
The rights of the individual are to be respected,
but the welfare of the republic is and must be
paramount.

LIYES OF THE EMINENT DEAD, AND
Biographical Notices of Prominent Liv-
ing Citizens of Montgomery County,
Penn. By M. Auge. Svo, pp. 56S. Pub-
lished by the author, Norristown, Penn., 1879.
It can hardly be expected that any elaborate
County history can have more than a local inter-
est. The mass of its pages must naturally be
given to persons and events of minor concern.
This excellent collection is, however, not sub-
ject to this general criticism, a reasonable pro-
portion of the volume recording the lives of men
of national interest. Chief among these, among
the dead, was David Rittenhouse, the celebrated
mathematician and astronomer, who drew the
initial part of the boundary since known as
Mason and Dixon's line, and later determined
the limits of New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl-
vania and other States. He was Treasurer of
Pennsylvania from 1777 to 17S9 ; succeeded
Dr. Franklin as President of the American Phil-
osophical Society in 1791, and was the first
Director of the United States Mint in 1792.
Next comes the distinguished family of the Muh-
lenbergs, Peter the Revolutionary soldier, Gov-
ernor of the State and United States Senator,
and Frederick, the first Speaker of the United
States Hou>e of Representatives. But this vol-

ume is not confined to a record of the dead.
Chapters are given to General Adam T. Slemmer,
who firmly held Fort Pickens for the Union
against all the efforts of the Southern forces,
and to Major-General W. S. Hancock, the
gallant hero of the Second Army Corps, who
commanded the left centre at Gettysburg, and
won immortal fame by his gallantry and magnifi-
cent generalship ; and others of lesser fame.
The book is published by subscription, and we
heartily commend it to our readers.

WYNKOOP GENEALOGY IN THE UNI-
TED States of America ; also a table of
Dutch given names, by Richard Wynkoop,
of the City of New York. Second edition,
8vo.,pp. 130. Press of Wynkoop & Hal-
lenbeck, New York, 1878.
This is a labor of love, and has been per-
formed with evident thoroughness. The com-
piler has not been able to trace a direct con-
nection between the earliest of the name of
Wynkoop in America and the Holland family
from which it is no doubt derived. The name
first appears on this side in 1639, when one
Peter Wynkoop was concerned in certain court
proceedings in the province of New Amsterdam.
A quaint coat of arms, evidently of fanciful
construction, rather than the product of a
Herald's office, and bearing the excellent motto
which the Dutch settlers of New York thor-
oughly adhered to, Virtutum hilaritate colere, is
reproduced from an engraved copper plate in
the possession of the author. A reference to
the index of surnames shows the numerous
intermarriages of the Wynkoops with represent-
ative New York families of the older stock.
The table of Dutch given names, with their
English equivalents, is full and useful to
genealogists.

CANAL REMINISCENCES ; RECOLLEC-
TIONS of Travel in the Old Days on the
James River and Kanawha Canal. By
George W. Bagley. Small 4to, pp. 37.
West, Johnson & Co. Richmond, 1879.

These are reminiscences of what the writer
calls " an obscolescent mode of travel," which
may have been delightful, but certainly was not
rapid. They begin with a description of a trip
from Cumberland county to Lynchburg about
1835, the days of batteaux, which consumed
a week between Lynchburg and Richmond.
The James and Kanawha is the canal, the begin-
nings of which are here narrated, together with its
final triumph over the old stage coach. There
are some pleasant personal recollections also.

LITERARY NOTICES

A PAPER CITY. BY D. R. LOCKE

(Petroleum V. Nasby). Svo, pp. 431.

Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1S79.

In these pages one of the most characteristic
of American writers describes one of the most
entertaining phases of American character in
its development of the latter half of the nine-
teenth century, The wonders of the earlier
half, the immense carrying trade, the growth of
a commerce which literally whitened every sea
wiih its sails, are commonplace in comparison
with the birth of western cities which dot the
prairie with almost equal abundance. Side by
side with these triumphs of our enterprise and
industry, there are in the memory of all who
have watched the development of the country,
thousands of cities, or mirages of cities rather,
extensively laid out on paper, but never built
with hands.

It is of one of these paper cities that the
inimitable Nasby announces his purpose to
write — a comic Gibbon — " the rise, progress and
fall." The tale is of New Canton, a town of
Illinois. It began on a very small scale, inter-
ested a speculative projector who raised a land
company, which on a borrowed capital of five
hundred dollars, printed a prospectus, bought
broad acres of land on credit, borrowed more
money, issued more maps and plans, attracted
purchasers, and gradually expanded values and
brought in money to the land company, which
the ingenious promoter, secretary and treasurer
thereof, assumed as his share of the profits,
embezzled and fled.

With his flight. New Canton, says its chroni-
cler, evaporated into thin air ; the houses moved
off to a neighboring village, while only boards
with ambitious names remained to tell where
New Canton was meant to be. A love story
and some well drawn sketches of character add
interest to the " over true tale."

A SKETCH OF GRANNY SHORT'S BAR-

BECUE AND THE GENERAL STATUTES OF KEN-
TUCKY. By Robert M. Bradley. Vol. I.
Granny Short's Barbecue. Svo, pp. 103.
Bradley & Gilbert. Louisville, 1S79.
This amusing pamphlet is intended to convey
a serious lesson and warning to the law makers
and law breakers — the author considers the
two terms as synonymous — of Kentucky. In
the incongruity of the legislation on the Statute
book of the State, is found a reason for the
almost chaotic condition of society, political
and social, of the grand old commonwealth.
There American physical life has reached a
higher stage of development with which the
intellectual has not kept pace. The story of
Granny Short's Barbecue presents a sad while
comical record of the doings and sayings which

attended a race for the Senate in Kentucky,
which came off in the Counties of Garrard and
Lincoln in 1S40, and which may be taken as a
specimen of the conduct of elections throughout
the State. It is intended, the author informs us,
to be the forerunner of volumes which will deal
with the natural results of such proceedings.

HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
Adapted from the French of Rev. P. E.
Gazeau, S. T., with Review Questions added.
i6mo, pp. 501. The Catholic Publica-
tion Society. New York, 1878.
With the death of Theodorius the Great in
395 A. D., begins the history of the middle
ages as the period of transition between the
apogee of the Roman empire and the beginning
of the modern order of civilization. It is here
divided into five epochs : I. The Invasion and
Conversion of the Barbarians. 2. The Forma-
tion of Christian Europe. 3. Fuedal Europe.
4. The Papacy and the Christian Republic. 5.
Religious and Political Anarchy. This last epoch
closed with the taking of Constantinople by the
Turks in 1543. The middle ages thus cover a
period of eleven hundred and forty-eight years.
This history is given under appropriate divisions
and subdivisions, which is for the use of
schools.

MAJOR JONES' SCENES IN GEORGIA.
Containing the whole of his chronicles of
Pineville, its Incidents and Characters, Sec.
With sixteen illustrations from original de-
signs, by Durley. i6mo, pp. 7S6. T. B.
Peterson & Bros. Phila., 1879.

POLLY PEABLOSSOM'S WEDDING, AND

other Tales. Edited by T. A. Burke.

With numerous Illustrations. i2mo, pp. 195.

T. B. Peterson & Bros. Phila., 1879.

In these humorous volumes are reprinted a
number of stories which first appeared a quarter
of a century ago, and depicted some of the
peculiar features of the Georgia backwoodsmen,
and of that curious specimen of mankind known
by the soubriquet of Cracker. They are sketches
of life as it was before railroads and the tele-
graph had begun that general planing if not
polishing process which is gradually smoothing
down all typical distinctions and making our
vast continent the abode of an almost homoge-
neous race. They are of the kind which de-
lighted our fathers, and will yet amuse our chil-
dren as faithful pictures of a period which seems
as far removed from our own as the age of
bronze or stone.

LITERARY NOTICES

A GENEALOGIC HISTORY OF THE

Harwood Families descended from James
Harwood, who was of English oiigin, and
resided in Chelmsford, Mass. By Watson H.
Harwood. i2mo, pp. 33. A. F. Bigelow.
Potsdam, N. Y., 1879.

James Harwood married Lydia Barrett at
Chelmsford, Mass., April, 1678. They removed
to Littleton, Mass., in 1717. The pamphlet
gives a list of their descendants, with occasional
genealogic notes. There is a complete name
index properly numbered at the close.

IN 1880

Historical

The North Americans of Antiquity, by

John T. Short. 8vo. Harper & Brothers,

New York, 1880.

Army of Northern Virginia, Memorial Vol-
ume, by Rev. J. William Jones, D. D. 8vo.
Randoph & English, Richmond, Va., 1880.

The Readers' Handbook of the American
Revolution, 1761-1783, by Justin Winsor.
i2mo. Houghton, Osgood & Co., Boston,

1880.

History of the City of New York, by
Mary L. Booth. Illustrated. 8vo. E. P.
Dutton & Co., New York, 1880.

The History and Traditions of Marble-
head, by Samuel Roads, Jr. 8vo. Houghton,
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880.

Recollections and Opinions of an Old
Pioneer, by Peter H. Burnett. Svo. D.
Appleton & Co., New York, 1880.

History of the Administration of John
DeWitt, Grand Pensionary of Holland,
by James Geddes. Vol. I., 1623-1654. 8vo.
Harper & Brothers, New York, 1880.

Our Indian Wards, by George W. Many-
penny. 8vo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cin-
cinnati.

History of the Campaign of the Army
of Virginia under John Pope, Brig.Gen'l,
by George H. Gordon. Svo. Houghton,
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880.

History of North Carolina from the
Earliest Discoveries to the Present
Time, by John W. Moore. i2mo. Alfred
Williams & Co., Raleigh, 1880.

Cincinnati's Beginnings, by Francis W. Miller.
8vo. Peter G. Thomson, Cincinnati, 1880.

History of the English Language from
the Teutonic Invasion of Great Britain
to the close of the Georgian Era, by
Henry E. Shepherd. i2mo. E. T. Hale
& Son, New York, 1880.

A short outline History of the United
States, for Review Grades, by David B.
Scott, Jr. i2mo. Collins & Brother, New
York, 1880.

A copy of the Poll List of the Election
for Representatives for the City and
County of New York, for the years
1761, 1768, 1769. 3 vols., 4to. Printed for
S. Whitney Phoenix, New York, 1880.

The History of Redding, Conn., by Charles
Burr Todd. i6mo. John A. Gray Press,

1880.

The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country,
or Oxford prior to 1713, by George F.
Daniels. i6mo. Estes & Lauriat, Boston,

1880.

Times before the Reformation, with an
account of Fra Girolamo Savonarola,
by William Dinwiddie. i6mo. Robert Car-
ter & Bros., New York, 1S80.

Historical Pamphlets

The One Hundred Prize Questions in Ca-
nadian PIlSTORY AND THE ANSWERS, by
Hermes. i6mo. Dawson Brothers, Mon-
treal, 1880.

Jonathan Dickinson and the College of
New Jersey. An historical discourse. By
Henry C. Cameron, D. D. Svo. C. S. Rob-
inson, Princeton, N. J., 18S0.

New Hampshire without the Provincial
Government, 1689-1690, by Charles W.
Tuttle. 8vo. John Wilson & Son, Cam-
bridge, Mass, 1880.

LITERARY NOTICES

Archaeological Institute of America.
First Annual Report of the Executive Com-
mittee, 1879-S0, Boston, May 15, 1880. 8vo.
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, 1880.

An Historical Address Delivered at
Groton, Mass., Feb. 20, 18S0, by Samuel
Abbott Green. 8vo. Groton, 1S80.

Transactions of the Literary and His-
torical Society of Quebec. Sessions of
1879-80. 8vo. Morning Chronicle Office,
Quebec, 1880.

The Timacua Language. Paper read before
the American Philosophical Society, Feb. 20,
1880. By Albert S. Gatschet. Am. Phil,
Soc, 1880.

The Correct Arms of the State of New
York. A paper read before the Albany In-
stitute, December 2, 1879, by Henry A.
Homes. 8vo. Weed, Parsons & Co., Albany,
1880

Soldiers' and Sailors' Historical Society
of Rhode Island. Personal Narratives of
Events in the War of the Rebellion. No. 1.
Second series. First Cruise of the Montauk,
by Samuel T. Browne. No. 2. A Country
Boys' first three Months in the Army, by C.
Henry Barney. 4to. The N. Bangs Williams
Co., Providence, R. I., 1880.

American Political - Anti-masonry, with
its "Good EnougIi Morgan," by Henry
O. Reilly. 8vo. American News Company,
New York, 1880.

The Settlement of Germantown, and the
Causes which led to it, by Samuel W.
Pennypacker. Reprint from Pennsylvania
Magazine of History and Biography. 8vo.
Collins, Philadelphia, 1SS0.

Rhode Island Historical Tracts No. 8.
Some Account of the Bills of Credit or Paper
Money of Rhode Island, 1710-1786. Rhode
Island Historical Tracts No. 9. A True
Representation of the Plan formed at Albany
in 1754 for uniting the Colonies. 4to. Sidney
S. Rider, Providence, 18S0.

Address delivered before the Confederate
Survivors' Association in Augusta, Ga.,
April 26, 1880, by Col. Charles C. Jones, Jr.
8vo. M. M. Hill & Co., Augusta Ga.

Paul Revere's Signal. The true Story of the
Signal Lanterns in Christ Church, Boston, by
John Lee Watson. Svo. Trow's Printing
Co., New York, 1880.

Hernando de Soto — Adventures Encoun-
tered and the Route pursued through
Georgia, by Charles C. Jones, Jr. Svo. J.
II. Estill, Savannah, Ga., 1880.

Introduction to the Study of Sign Lan-
guage AMONG THE NORTH AMERICAN IN-
DIANS as Illustrating the Gesture speech
of Mankind, by Garrick Mallery. 4to. Smith-
sonian Institution, Washington, 18S0.

The Record — First Presbyterian Church,
Morristown, N. J. 8vo. Morristown, N.
J., 1S80.

Biographical and Genealogical

Life of Rev. Charles Nerinckx, with a
Chapter on the early Catholic Mis-
sions of Kentucky, by Rev. Camillus P.
Maes. 8vo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincin-
nati, 1880.

Reminiscences of Rev. Wm. Ellery Chan-
NING, D.D., by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody.
l2mo. Roberts Brothers, Boston, 1SS0.

William Lloyd Garrison and his Times, by
Oliver Johnson. i2mo. B. B. Russell & Co.,
Boston, 18S0.

Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed
President of the Underground Rail-
road. Svo. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati,
1 8 So.

The Life of William Ellery Channing,
D.D. The Centenary Memorial edition, by
his nephew, William Ellery Channing. Svo.
American Unitarian Association, Boston,
1S80.

The Reminiscences of an Idler, by Henry
Wikofif. Svo. Fords, Howard & Hurlbert,
New York, 1S80.

7 6

LITERARY NOTICES

About Grant, by John L. Swift. i6mo. Lee
& Shepard, Boston, 1880.

Lives of the Catholic Heroes and Hero-
ines of America, by John O'Kane Murray.
8vo. James Sheehy, New York, 1880.

Magellan, or the First Voyage round the
World, by George M. Towle. i6mo. Lee
& Shepard, Boston, 1880.

Biographical Pamphlets

Proceedings at the Dedication of a Mon-
ument to Sergeant Abraham Staples of
Mendon, Mass. 8vo. Sidney S. Rider
Providence, R. L, 1880.

Lady Deborah Moody. . A Discourse deliv-
ered before the New York Historical Society
by James W. Gerard. 8vo. Douglas Taylor,
New York, 1880.

The Leatherwood God. An account of the
Appearance and Pretensions of Joseph C.
Dylks in 1828, by R. H. Taneyhill. i2mo.
Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati.

The American Portrait Gallery, with Bi-
ographical Sketches, by Lillian C. Buttre.
J. C. Buttre, New York, 1880.

Miscellaneous

The Younger Edda, by Rasmus B. Anderson.
i6mo. S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, 1880.

The Inter-Oceanic Canal and the Monroe
Doctrine. i2mo. G. P. Putnam's Sons,
New York, 1880.

The Poetical Works of Bayard Taylor.
i6mo. Houghton, Osgood & Co., Boston,

1880.

Methodism, Old and New, by J. R. Flanigen.
8vo. J. B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia,
1880.

The Elective Franchise in the United
States, by O. C. McMillan. i6mo. G. P.
Putnam's Sons, New York, 1880.

Rocky Mountain Health Resorts, by
Charles Denison, M. D. i6mo. Houghton,
Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880.

Civil Service in Great Britain, by Dorman
B. Eaton. 8vo. Harper & Brothers, New
York, 1880.

Radical-Mechanics of Animal Locomotion,
with remarks on the setting-up of sol-
DIERS, by William Pratt Wainwright. l2mo.
D. Van Nostrand, New York, 1880.

Boston Monday Lectures. — Labor, by Jos-
eph Cook. i2mo. Houghton, Osgood &
Co., Boston, 1880.

American Almanac and Treasury of facts
for the year 1S80, by Ainsworth R. Spof-
ford. The American News Company, New
York, 1880.

Miscellanies, by Juhn D. Caton, 8vo. Hough-
ton, Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880.

The Twins of Table Mountain and other
stories, by Bret Harte. i8mo. Houghton,
Osgood & Co., Boston, 18S0.

Miscellaneous Pamphlets

Letters from Europe, by Hon. William D.
Kelley. 8vo. Porter & Coates, Philadelphia,
1880.

Economic Monographs. G. P. Putnam's
Sons, 1880.

No. VI. Free Ships, by John Codman.

No. XIX. Andrew Jackson and the Bank
of the United States, by William L.
Royall.

No. VIII. Labor-Making Machinery, by
Fred. Perry Powers.

Memoranda relating to the early Press
of Iowa at Iowa City and Dubuque, by
John Springer. 8vo. Iowa State Press Office,
1880.

Worship of the Sun. The story told by a
Coin of Constantine the Great. By Henry
Phillips, Jr. 4to. Privately printed, Phil-
adelphia, 1880.

On the Annelida Chaetopoda of the
Virginia Coast, by H. E. Webster. Trans-
actions of Albany Institute, Albany 1880.

OBITUARY

Etude sur une Carte Inconnue, la premiere
dressee par louis joliet en 1674. par
Gabriel Gravier. 8vo. Maisonneuve & Co.,
Paris, 1SS0.

Crossing the Atlantic, illustrated by Au-
gustus Hoppin. Houghton, Osgood & Co.,
Boston, 1880.

Report of the Operations of the Numis-
matic and Antiquarian Society of Phil-
adelphia FOR THE YEARS 137S-1S79.
Printed for the Society, Philadelphia, 1S80.

Thirty-first Annual Report of the Trus-
tees of the Astor Library for the year
ending Dec. 31, 1879. 8vo. Weed, Parsons
& Co., Albany, 1880.

ANNOUNCEMENT

"Observations on Judge Jones' Loyalist History
of the American Revolution," by H. P. Johnston,
will shortly appear from the press of Messrs. D.
Appletun & Co. It calls attent on to certain im-
portant statements made by the Judge, which are
disproved by the correct record. The number of
these errors noticed by Mr. Johnston suggests
the probability of more, in regard to which no
records remain. Mr. Johnston introduces man-
uscript proof in some instances to refute the
Judge. Readers of Jones will be curious to ex-
amine these refutations. They are but the
beginning of the series of criticisms, disclaimers
and disprovals, which the tone and statements of
Jones could not fail to elicit. His editor, Mr.
de Lancey, will have his hands full to sustain his
author. Editor.

OBITUAR Y

EDMUND BAILEY O'CALLAGHAN
M.D., LL.D.,

Historian of New Netherland and
New York.

The Historical study of our country has
recently lost a patient, careful, judicious inves-
tigator, the fruit of whose labors has long been
the resource and the safe guide of many seeking
to familiarize themselves with our country's
early days.

The history of New York, from its earliest
colonization by the sons of Holland, and the
studied cognate with it, formed the field in which
he labored for years with recognized ability ;
and beside what he committed to writing and
gave to the press, he amassed an immense fund

of knowledge now lost, and to be recovered, if
at all, only by similar sacrifices.

He was a native of Mallow, near Cork, in the
south of Ireland, born on the 29th of February,
1797, and was the youngest of a large family^
all brought up with care and enjoying ihe ad-
vantages of a liberal education. His eldest
brother Theodore, if we mistake not, held a
co.-nmission in the British army, and two of his
other brothers, Eugene and David, took orders
in the Catholic Church, and were distinguished
for the breadth and depth of their learning.
Edmund Bailey, after the close of his studies in
Ireland, spent two years in Paris, chiefly in
medical studies, having chosen as his profession
the healing art.

Like many young men of talent, he looked to
this continent as the future home, relying on his
ability to win his way. In 1823 he came to
Canada, and completing his professional studies
in Quebec, was admitted to practice there in
1827.

The movement for Catholic Emancipation was
then agitating Ireland and England, and socie-
ties were formed there and in America to aid in
the struggle. Dr. O'Callaghan took an active
part in forming the association called " The
Friends of Ireland" in Quebec, and was the
Secretary of the organization, giving the cause
all the earnestness of his character. Mean-
while, he was winning friends by his medical
skill and by the wit and humor which made
him a charming member of society. Find-
ing that Quebec offered but a limited prospect
for his talents, he removed to Montreal, and
soon became prominent in the political affairs of
the Province. His ability as a speaker and writer
led, in 1834, to his selection as editor of the
Vindicator, the organ of the patriots in Canada.
He was also elected to the provincial Parliament
as a member for Yamaska. There he became a
leader, on the popular side. On the 2d of
November, 1835, he moved an address to the
Governor in regard to the complaints against
Judge Gale, and his motion was carried after a
warm debate, although no action had yet been
taken on Lord Gosford's message to Parliament.
He was active in the House and by his journal
in demanding the reforms deemed necessary for
the wellbeing of Canada. Like other leaders,
he dressed in Canadian homespun to encourage
home manufactures and diminish importations
from England. He was a marked man, and on
the 6th of November the Doric Club, a tory
organization, in favor with the government at-
tacked the office of his newspaper, completely
destroying the type, presses and material. He
accompanied Mr. Papineau to the Richelieu
River, the heart of the district where the strong-
est opposition to government prevailed. Both,
however, condemned a resort to arms and did
all they could to prevent it, but when it became

OBITUARY

evident that a resort to force would be necessary
and the Canadian militia took the field, he did
not flinch from danger. He took part in the
action at St. Denis, where Colonel Gore was
repulsed, and his associate in the Vindicator and
in the legislative halls, Hon. Ovide Perrault,
was shot dead by his side.

When after the defeat at St. Charles, Papi-
neau, seeing the hopelessness of the appeal to
arms, sought safety in the United States, Dr.
O'Callaghan accompanied him, and a reward for
his body on a charge of high treason was offered
by Lord Gosford in his proclamation of Novem-
ber 29, 1837. In New York, Dr. O'Callaghan
was warmly received, and at once made many
lasting friends, one of the earliest being the late
Reuben Hyde Walworth, Chancellor of New
York. During the latter part of his life, Dr.
O'Callaghan avoided all allusion to his Cana-
dian career ; it seemed indeed to be a subject of
painful memory, and in his large library, devoted
to American and especially Canadian history,
you look on the shelves in vain for the books
and documents that contain the internal history
of that struggle.

When, too, in time the English Government,
gathering wisdom, granted all that the Cana-
dians labored and fought to secure, the exiled
leaders with Papineau returned to resume their
old position at the head of colonial affairs, but
Dr. O'Callaghan remained in New York, and
never even sought to have the ban removed
from his name.

He took up his residence in Albany, and there
resumed the practice of his profession, being
occasionally elsewhere engaged in affairs that
brought him into contact with prominent men.
He also edited an industrial paper called the
Northern Light. When the anti-rent troubles
were attracting attention, Dr. O'Callaghan began
to study the rights of the Patroons and acquiring
a knowledge of Dutch, examined the early Dutch
records in the hands of the State and some
ancient families. Astonished at the vast amount
of historical information which had been secluded
from English readers by the language in which
it was written, Dr. O'Callaghan began a system-
atic history of the colony, and produced his
" History of New Netherland," in two octavo
volumes. It came to the public and to students
as a revelation. It opened a new world. The
history of the Dutch colony on the Hudson,
Connecticut, and Delaware was known to most
people only by the satire of Washington Ir-
ving's ' ' Knickerbocker's History of New York. "
All that had seriously been written was vague
and prepared by those who never examined the
Dutch records. Dr. O'Callaghan did more for
the descendants of the settlers of New Nether-
land than any of themselves had ever done. He
showed the colony in its origin, steady, indus-
trious colonists, as religious as New Englanders,

without their severity ; men who could work
and introduce European animals, grains, fruit,
industries, could set up church and school,
organize a government with many popular
features, and all this without cant, boast, or
hypocrisy.

The History of New Netherland gave the
author a wide reputation, but entailed loss
rather than profit. An edition of a thousand
copies of the first volume was sold by the pub-
lishers, but the account of sales, to his astonish-
ment, showed him to be indebted to the house,
many copies having been sent to the press for
notice, and advertising not limited by prudence.

The author accordingly was his own publisher
in the case of the second volume, printing five
hundred copies, and with the return repaying
the whole outlay, and leaving him a small
amount. Talking of it he would sometimes
ask friends who had any mathematical turn to
solve the sum, and explain how one thousand
copies sold could bring him one hundred dollars
in debt, and five hundred copies sold leave him
with one hundred dollars in hand.

The "History of New Netherland" placed
Dr. O'Callaghan at once in a high position
among scholars. It was a work of research,
judicious, and fresh and vigorous in style. One
of the fruits was the action of the State in
sending John R. Brodhead to England, France,
and Holland to collect in the archives of those
Governments documents relating to American,
and especially New York, history. Mr. Brod-
head returned wiih a vast amount of useful
material. Then the State proposed to publish
a documentary history, printing valuable docu-
ments, and reprinting rare tracts. Dr. O'Cal-
laghan was called to edit this work, and when
the State decided to print the documents col-
lected in Europe, translating those in French
and Dutch, the task of editing them was com-
mitted to Dr. O'Callaghan. This work he
accomplished in a most satisfactory manner,
and the eleven quarto volumes, including a full
index, are a monument to his ability, and
invaluable in every collection on the colonial
period. His researches were not confined to
the annals of one State. Dr. O'Callaghan was
one of the first to recognize the great value for
history of the " Jesuit Relations," as they are
now called, a series of forty little volumes pub-
lished in France in the seventeenth century,
giving the reports of the Jesuit missions in
Canada, when that term embraced all the great
lakes and the valley of the Mississippi, much of
New York, Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova
Scotia. He read a paper before the New York
Historical Society, giving a description of each
volume and its contents. This paper, printed
in pamphlet form, went far and wide, and was
translated into French. Immediately scholars
began to try and consult the "Jesuit Relations";

OBITUARY

but they were very rare. A few privileged
collectors had some volumes, the public libraries
none. No complete set was known in Euiope
or America. Dr. O'Callaghan had given, inno-
cently enough, a list of the volumes possessed
by various gentlemen and institutions. This
Ud to a curious episode. The late Albert Gal-
latin possessed several, and was greatly annoyed
by people calling upon him begging to see his
"Jesuit Relations." As each and all these
gentlemen prefaced his request by an allusion to
Dr. O'Callaghan, the ex-secretary of the treasury
came to regard the historian as the greatest
enemy of his peace, although Dr. O'Callaghan
was perfectly unconscious of the result of his
paper. One day the historian had occasion to
call upon Mr. Gallatin on a matter of business,
and on being ushered in sent up his card. Mr.
Gallatin looked in amazement at the bit of
pasteboard. Here was the enemy of his peace
come to beard him in his own house. He went
down to the parlor in a perfect fury, and opened
on Dr. O'Callaghan a tempest of reproaches.
Dr. O'Callaghan, always punctilious and sensi-
tive, was taken utterly by surprise. Entirely
unconscious of having given any offence, he
drew himself up and said, when he could find
room to speak : " Mr. Gallatin, I have heard of
French politeness, but I never had a sample of
it until now," and with a bow he left the house,
to tell in after days, as only he could tell, the
story to his friends.

He superintended for Mr. James Lenox the
printing of the Relation for 1676, made by that
gentleman from a copy of the original manu-
script, and the reprint of two almost unique
volumes in the series. At a subsequent period
Dr. O'Callaghan printed a very small number of
Biard's Relation, in facsimile of the original ;
and in the style of the Jesuit Relations the ac-
count of the early Jesuit Mission in Acadia and
Maine, as given in the " Annuce Litterae " and
in the " Historia Societatis Jesu," so that they
might be placed with the volumes of the Re-
lations.

Besides the studies already named, he turned
his attention to the issues of the Bible in this
country, and after long research compiled a cata-
logue of all published in this country, which he
issued in a volume full of curious information.

During his residence in Albany he was at-
tached to the office of the Secretary of State,
and edited a number of volumes from its co-
lonial archives, the journals of the Legislative
Council, with an historical sketch, a "Calendar
of State Papers," "Lists of Land Grants,"
" Revolutionary Papers," and others of the kind.
But he found more material, and issued the
" Register of New Netherland," a list, compiled
with great labor and care, of all who held office
in the colony while subject to Holland. He also
issued a series of New York tracts, embracing

the " Diary of Governor Clark," " Bobin's Let-
ters," "Voyages of Slave Ships," "Commis-
sary Wilson's Orderly Book," and the ' Orderly
Book of General Burgoyne."

The early records and proceedings of the
municipality of New York are in Dutch, and
were never printed, nor were the first i:i Eng-
lish. For several years a correspondence had
been conducted inviting Dr. O'Callaghan t >
New York to prepare these for publication, his
knowledge of the Dutch of that period as used
in New Netherland making him one of the very
few men living who could translate the early
documents properly. He at last in 1870 con-
sented, and came to New York. Arrangements
were made to print these papers, and though not
stipulated for in the agreement, Dr. O'Callaghan
superintended the printing, adapted the indexes
he had prepared, and revised the proof-sheets.
He also edited the earliest wills on record in the
State. Unfortunately this printing was given
out by the city during the corrupt times. The
work was suddenly stopped, and the volumes,
though printed, have never appeared. It was a
severe blow to Dr. O'Callaghan, who had given
up a home and pleasant associations in Albany to
come to New York especially for this work. He
wished to complete it, but not only was this denied,
but the city authorities sought to ignore their
own act in inviting him to undertake the work.

This preyed upon him greatly, and soon after
an accident rendered him almost helpless ; but
his mind continued active. He was confined to
his house, and before long to his room. At first
his time was spent among the books which he
had collected during his long aid studious life;
a working library of American history of con-
siderable extent and great valve. But as the
disease increased, he was laid on a bed from
which he was never to rise, lingering for two
years in pain, but always cheerful, clear in mind,
and buoyed up in sickness, as he had been in
health, by the practice of religious duties and
the consolation of the sacraments.

On Saturday, May 29, 1 880, there were signs of
great weakness ; the sacrament of Extreme Unc-
tion was administered, and in the evening he
expired without a struggle, retaining his faculties
to the close, making on his breast the sign of the
faith which he had professed and practiced. The
funeral service took place in St. Patrick's Cathe-
dral, Fifth Avenue, on Wednesday June 2. and
was attended by the New York Historical So-
ciety and many of his friends, and by the Cath-
olic Union of New York, in which he had been
a member of the Council.

At the end of the Mass the Rev. Clarence
Walworth, of Albany, for years the pastor of
Dr. O'Callaghan, ascended the pulpit, and tak-
ing as his text "Every scribe instructed in the
kingdom of heaven is like to a man that is a
householder who bringeth forth out of his treas-

OBITUARY

ure new things and old " (St. Matthew xiii., 59),
spoke eloquently and touchingly of the departed
friend who lay before him. Applying the words
of his text, he declared him a great and good
man, a man of faith and truth. As a historian
he followed no philosophy of history, mar-
shalling and distorting acts to suit it, but he
gave the facts in all their truth, and from these
facts formed his picture of the past. Full of
honesty himself, he bore impatiently to see igno-
rance or want of fairness arrange historical data
so as to sanction false views. This love of
truth made him accurate in detail, and gave a
value to his works which rendered them an au-
thority, and established the reputation which he
had so long enjoyed among scholars. A sincere
Christian, he recognized and appreciated the re-
ligious influences on our early history. He spoke
of his practical life as a Catholic Christian in his
frequentation of the sacraments, and his zeal for
the beauty of God's house, shown in his gift to
St. Mary's Church in Albany, and in his con-
stant and liberal contributions to all calls of
religion and charity. As a friend he was a
lasting as well as a most attractive and sympa-
thetic one, retaining to the last his attachment
to early friends. But as he was man, he was
not without fault, and while we may hope that
his long and well-spent life and the sufferings
which he bore like another Job may have freed
him from much of the purification hereafter, we
must still pray for him, that his release may be
speedy.

His Eminence Cardinal McCloskey then as-
sumed his cope and mitre, and pronounced abso-
lution, after which the remains were conveyed
to Calvalry Cemetery, the pall-bearers being
Thurlow Weed, the Hon. John Kelly, George
H. Moore, E. F. De Lancey, William S. Pres-
ton, John Gilmary Shea, F. H. Churchill and
H enry Amy.

Dr. O'Callaghan's contributions to American
history were numerous : History of New Nether-
land, or New York under the Dutch, 2 vols.,
8vo, New York, 1846-9 ; Jesuit Relations, 8vo,
New York, 1847 ; in French, Montreal, i8mo,
1850 ; Documentary History of the State of
New York, 4 vols., 4to and 8vo, Albany, 1849-
51 ; Documents relating to the Colonial History
of the State of New York, 11 vols., 4to, Albany,
1855-61 ; Remonstrance of New Netherland,
4to, Albany, 1856 ; Commissary Wilson's Or-
derly Book, 4to, Albany, 1857 ; Orderly Book
of Lieut. -Gen. John Burgoyne, 4to, Albany,
i860 ; Names of Persons for whom Marriage
Licenses were issued previous to 1784, 8vo, Al-
bany, i860 ; Journals of the Legislative Council
of New York, 8vo, Albany, 186^ ; Origin of the
Legislative Assemblies of the State of New
York, 4to, Albany, 1S61 ; A List of the Editions
of the Holy Scriptures and Parts thereof printed
in America previous to i860, 8vo, Albany, 1861;

Woolley's Two Years' Journal in New York,
8vo, Mew York, i860; The Register of New
Netherland, 1626-1674, 8vo, Albany, 1865 ; Cal-
endar to the Land Papers, 8vo, Albany, 1864 ;
Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office
of the Secretary of State, 4 vols., 410, Dutch,
English and Revolutionary, Albany, 1865-1868 ;
Journal of the Slo p Mary, 4to, Albany, 1866;
Voyage of George Clarke, Esq., to America, 4to,
Albany, 1867 ; Voyages of the Slavers, 4to,
Albany, 1870 ; Laws and Ordinances of New
Netherland, 1638-74, Albany, 1869 ; Copie de
Trois Lettres escrites es annees 1625-6 par le
Rev. P. C. Lallemant, 8vo, Albany, 1870; Rela-
tion de ce qui s'est passe en la Nouvelle France
en l'annee 1626, 8vo, Albany, 1870 ; Lettre du
Rev. P. Lalemant, 22 Nov. 1629, 8vo, Albany,
1870 ; Lettre du Pere Charles Lallemant, 1627,
8vo, Albany, 1870 ; De Regione et Moribus
Canadensium, Auctore Josepho Juvencio, 8vo,
Albany, 1871 ; Canadicse Missionis Relatio,
1611-13, 8vo, Albany, 1871 ; Missio Canadensis,
Epistola ex Portu-regali in Acadia a R. P. Petro
Biardo, 8vo, Albany, 1870 ; Relatio Rerum
Gestarum in Novo Francica Missione Annis
1613-4, 8vo, Albany, 1871 ; Relation de la Nou-
velle France (Biard), 8vo, Albany, 1871 ; Letters
of Isaac Bobin, Esq., 4to, Albany, 1871 ; Pro-
ceedings of the Common Council of New Am-
sterdam and New York, 8 vols., 8vo, New York,
1870 (printed, but never published) ; New York
Wills, 8vo, New York, 1871 (printed, but never
published).

Dr.O'Callaghan collected valuable material also
for biographies of early physicians in America.

In 1846 the University of St. Louis bestowed
upon him the degree of Doctor of Medicine,
and the degree of Doctor of Laws was subse-
quently conferred by St. John's College, Ford-
ham. He was an active member of the New
York Historical Society, many papers from his
pen having been read before that body.

The New York Historical Society adopted the
following resolutions on the occasion of his
death :

"■Resolved, That the New York Historical
Society with deep sensibility adds to the list of
its departed members the name of Edmund
Bailey O'Callaghan, M. D., LL.D.

' ' Resolved, That in recording upon its minutes
the death of this devoted historical scholar, this
Society desires to renew its grateful acknow edg-
ments of indebtedness to him for the invaluable
services he has rendered his Slate and Country
in the field of American history during the past
forty years.

"Resolved, That the sympathy of the Society
be tendered to the family of its deceased asso-
ciate."

He was also a corresponding member of many
other historical societies in this country.

John G. Shea.

WJLO MIL M <&W <Q> K"

IngravBli7"Wm^Hcll.fl1'M ' ' fahnllasa U.S.A.

.GAZINE O)

■

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. V AUGUST 1880 No. 2

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

UPON the last recurrence of Washington's birthday many of the
old platitudes were brought out and aired, while various declar-
ations appeared respecting an alleged change in the public
estimate of the Father of his Country. When, however, an attempt
was made to classify these affirmations, they sturdily refused to be
classified. According to some, a change had taken place for the better,
while others said it was for the worse. On the one hand it was taught
that Washington was no longer regarded as the pattern of perfection,
and on the other that time was simply adding lustre to the splendor of
his reputation. Again it was said that Washington, in our day, was not
to be regarded as a demi-god, while a more enterprising individual
laid before the world the fact that recent investigations rendered it
highly probable that George Washington was a lineal descendant of
Odin. Some said that the Sage of Mount Vernon had gone into
obscurity, that classes of the population were tired of him, that the
anniversary was not celebrated as of yore ; while still others congratu-
lated their readers upon the fact, that the twenty-second of February had
become an eminently national day, and was yearly growing in the
estimation of a proud, appreciative and grateful people.

This variety of sesquipedalian expression, however, at once so ingen-
uous and so charming, is capable of explanation. The return of each
anniversary brings to a class of writers the stern necessity of saving
something, though they have nothing to say, but they are always
equal to the emergency, and when seated upon the tripod they readily
identify their elegant fancies with the opinion of mankind. Thus an
accommodating public appreciates all aspects of the subject at once,
affirming or denying with equal cordiality and zeal. This process is
not always favorable to truth. In fact, it often renders questions of

82 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

history dependent upon what some Bohemian had or did not have for
breakfast ; yet it renders the individual of some consequence in his own
eyes.

Without dwelling upon this aspect of the case, however, let us notice
that the declaration that Washington is no longer universally applauded
implies that formerly he was invariably extolled, which is incorrect. In
fact, Washington was never free from criticism. Some of his enemies,
like the notorious Tom Paine, were malignant to the last degree. The
faults of Washington, whatever they may have been, were faithfully
improved by the opposition ; but whoever proposes to return to them
now will not have the excuse of the ancient back-biter, who plead the
public good. In view, therefore, of some things that have been said of
late, we may inquire once more into the personal history and character
of Washington, and ask what manner of man he was.

This question has been replied to in the sober and discriminating
works of Marshall, Sparks, Irving and Everett, writers who have pre-
sented Washington, not as a demi-god, nor even as perfect, but rather
as a great and noble man, who laid his country and humanity at large
under deep and lasting obligation. The portraiture of Washington by
these writers is incomplete, while the time for a perfect delineation of
Washington has perhaps gone by. No Boswell attended the daily
walks of the Sage of Mount Vernon to note each varied phase of indi-
viduality from hour to hour. Yet the representation given by the
writers above mentioned is in the main correct. Their works embody
the intelligent conception of the public at large respecting Washington.
Other conceptions are indeed maintained, but are they not to be
regarded upon the whole as belonging, by a kind of letters patent, to a
class of persons not easily reached by ordinary methods of instruction?

With respect to the alleged change in public opinion already
referred to, it may be said that there are always those who are inclined
to extremes, persons who indeed seem to be touched with the old
fetich-worshipping spirit, and who for a time are disposed to believe
that some immortalized individual is divine, but who, upon discovering
their mistake, proceed to abuse their former divinity, as the Polynesian
mocks some dethroned god, and at the same time discover in their
sudden change a radical revolution in the sentiments of mankind.

Still another small class insist that a change has taken place in public
opinion, for the reason, that, in an iconoclastic or adventurous spirit, they
desire a change. This, perhaps, is why we are told, from time to time,
with so much effusion, that Washington is no longer a demi-god, and
that the popular views are myths. There is a certain degree of art, or

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 83

rather cunning, in this mode of attack, as it invests the hero with
offensive attributes, which generate germs of personal hostility in
vulgar and unreflecting minds.

Particular charges have also been made concerning the views popu-
larly entertained of Washington's childhood and youth, and, therefore,
this survey may commence with his early life, especially as the child is
generally the father of the man.

The Odinic theory concerning the origin of Washington may not
be so difficult to maintain as some suppose, since Odin was a very
ordinary individual, dying in his bed in Scandinavia, and being burned,
like his ancestors, on a funereal pyre. The task is one, not for the
jester in motley with cap and bells, but for the genealogist, who will
hardly feel obliged to prove that the son of a plain Virginia planter
was heaven-born, or allied to the stars. Indeed, those writers who are
worthy of much attention, and capable of shaping opinion, have never
been unduly solicitous concerning the remote origin of Washington ;
but, recognizing the sphere out of which he raised himself by his own
exertions, they have generously declared the superiority of merit over
rank and fortune.

The family of Washington appears to have been sufficiently ancient
and respectable, though as regards the question of his descent there
may be something to learn. When advanced in life Washington him-
self made inquiries respecting his family, and in 1792 wrote to Isaac
Heard, Garter King of Arms at the College of Arms, London, request-
ing information. To this letter Mr. Heard replied in 1796. The
interest which Washington felt was commendable. The study of
genealogy is of the highest importance as well to the individual as
to the clan. The man who is indifferent to his origin may be careless
about his destiny. A contempt for the past is prophetic of the future.
The interest often taken by public men in their tribal history is some-
times misunderstood. The point of departure is linked with the
ultimate point of arrival by not altogether unknown laws. The individ-
ual who would know whither he is going, may inquire with propriety
whence he came.

Whatever may have been the remote origin of the Washingtons,
their status in Virginia is well known. The resources of the father of
our Washington secured to him only a very humble education ; while at
his majority he could look forward to nothing more than a little planta-
tion on the Rappahannock as his portion of the family estate. The death
of an elder brother nevertheless left him in the possession of a more
ample patrimony, which he increased by his marriage ; while assiduous

84 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

study after retiring from school added largely to his knowledge and
general attainments, though no one ever fancied that he came to be
a learned man. Little more than general reading was added to his
civic and military attainments, together with a knowledge of hus-
bandry, in which our Cincinnatus found a source of delight. But if his
classical knowledge was not large, there was no deficiency in his moral
training. His mother, in her day a belle, was of a devout disposition,
while in this respect his father did not fall behind. Early impres-
sions were thus made upon the mind and heart of the boy respecting the
nature and claims of the Divine Being, the importance of filial piety
and the supreme obligations of truth. To all these teachings his tender
and impressional nature responded, and he became a reverent and
truthful child. Two unpublished letters by his mother remain, in one
of which, written after the capture of Fort Du Quesne, she exhibits
great affection for her son. This is said to be the only piece of writing
in her own hand in which she mentions " George," saying that she had
had great trouble, and that George had been in the army, but had now
left it. 1 In the other letter, addressed to her brother at London, she says :
" You seem to blame me for not writing to you, butt I doe a shour you
it is Note for wante of a very great Regard for you and the family,
butt as I don't ship tobacco the Captains never calls on me, soe that I
never know when tha come or when tha go." 2 These misspelled lines
show the true disposition of the woman whom Washington was proud to
honor as his mother, while they are worth infinitely more than any of
the polished sentences so painfully framed by mincing eulogists of the
Father of his Country.

Washington appears as a boy to have been somewhat precocious, as
is indicated by the fact that at the age of thirteen he had drawn up
" Rules of Civility & decent Behaviour," which may have been orig-
inal. It is nevertheless true that as a boy he was characterized by a
boy's faults. He was more or less thoughtless, and perhaps mischievous,
and had a violent? temper. This by degrees he learned to control, yet
at times it overcame him ; and at the battle of Monmouth he was so
filled with wrath by the conduct of Lee that he is said to have expressed
himself in oaths. Washington in a passion was a spectacle, but this
fact, however emphasized, cannot change our estimate of the man, who
is to be judged like those works of art which are valued according to
their merits.

But let us not anticipate. We were speaking of Washington's youth,
which, notwithstanding a hot temper, that in advanced life, upon certain

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 85

occasions, found vent — was characterized by the dispositions which gen-
erally pervaded his actions as a man. If there is any truth in testimony,
Washington, as a youth, might have been described as a " good " boy,
though his goodness was not of that fatal type which hurries its subjects
with such unerring precision away from this mundane sphere, where
their goodness might have been so profitably employed. Yet there are
those who appear almost unwilling to admit that Washington was good
in a safe degree, and who, under the guidance of Mark Twain, are con-
vulsed with laughter when brought face to face with the young Vir-
ginian's loyalty to truth. In some quarters the story of Washington
and his hatchet is made a standing jest, the intellectual meridian requir-
ing that all stories of this kind should be regarded as false. Let us,
therefore, glance at this incident, since it stands connected with a
prominent phase of Washington's character, both in childhood and age.

The particulars of the case are too familiar to be dwelt upon. In
substance, it will be remembered, as the account usually runs, that
Washington, when a boy, had a hatchet given to him, of which he was
very proud ; and that, on one occasion, with fatal thoroughness, he tried
its keen edge upon a young cherry tree, though when questioned on the
subject he confessed the truth, his nature shrinking from falsehood.

So far as we know, the story first appeared in a life of Washington
by Weems, who states that he had it from an aged lady connected with
the Washington family. But who was Weems? This question the late
Bishop Meade of Virginia sought to answer, and his well meant but
poor account of the man becomes poorer when manipulated by the hos-
tile critic, who speaks of Weems' production as " the lying little book,"
and of its author as absolutely insensible to the claims of truth. One
might, therefore, suppose that Weems was a first-class imposter. This,
however, is a little too fast. It has been conceded that he was an
ordained minister of the Episcopal Church, though the statement that
he took Orders in Maryland needs confirmation. It is more probable
that he was one of those " young gentlemen from the Southward " men-
tioned by Bishop White in his Memoirs, who, upon the conclusion of
peace with England, repaired to that country and was ordained by the
Bishop of London, in accordance with a special act of Parliament.
Possibly he returned in the same ship with Bishop White, who landed
in New York, Easter Day, 1786, an act which may be regarded as
synchronous with the rennaisance of the ecclesiastical body of which he
is so properly regarded the founder.

Weems has been represented as pretending that he was Washington's

86 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

Rector, though as a matter of history he never pretended to any such
relation. His own book teaches that he never even saw Washington in
church, though one of his books had Washington's approval. 3 The
seventh edition of his Life of Washington, on the title page, claims that
he was "formerly Rector of Mount Vernon," while proof is at hand of
the fact, evidently unknown to good Bishop Meade, that he officiated
there regularly as minister.

Mason L. Weems has been unjustly treated, though this is not the
place to enter upon any defence of his life, especially as portions of it,
in certain respects, are hardly defencible. Weems was always eccentric,
and when want drove him to bookselling, he allowed his eccentricities
full play ; yet no one who knew him and his history questioned the
goodness of his heart, which glowed with charity. The kindness which
this man showed to others, without regard to rank or fortune, should
certainly purchase immunity from unmerited reproach, while the faith-
fulness with which he spoke unpalatable truth at the cost of his own
popularity and prosperity, should shield him from the charge of
deliberately circulating what he knew to be false. It is true, as Mr.
Duyckinck says, that in the hands of Weems the trumpet of fame never
sounded an uncertain blast. His style was stilted, his rhetoric was
ornate, and his paragraphs overdone ; though, but for a slight excess of
verbiage, certain passages would be entitled to high rank for their
eloquence and beauty. It has been suggested that a sketch published
by Dr. Beattie of his eldest son, in 1794, gave Weems the idea of the
Life of Washington, but a reasonable degree of attention to the subject
would have shown that at least four editions of his work were published
before he wrote a line to justify the suspicion that he had ever seen
Beattie's sketch. 4

Corry's Life of Washington, published at London in 1800, probably
attracted the attention of Weems, while its influence is clearly percepti-
ble on his title page of 1808. There is nothing in the character of
Weems to discredit the story he tells concerning Washington, and
therefore we may ask, if there is anything in the story itself. In this
connection it may be said, that the only apparent reason for regarding
it as false, is found in the fact that iconoclastic necessities require that it
should be found false. There is certainly nothing improbable in the
idea that, once upon a time, a small boy had a hatchet; and that, having
a hatchet, he should desire to test its merits ; and that, in testing its
merits, he should try it on a tree ; and further, that, being a boy of
tolerable honesty, he should admit the act when questioned. Yet in this-

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 8?

connection, taking advantage of the peculiar phraseology of Weems'
work, Mark Twain, we are told, has convulsed " three thousand people "
all at once. This subject appears to possess elements exceedingly
funny. Indeed, he has succeeded so well with Washington, he might
perhaps try the case of the little boy whose monument stands in Mil-
waukee, a boy who was whipped to death because he " could, not tell
a lie."

This story, then, as funny as it may appear in the jester's eye, con-
tains nothing to justify doubt. A case of the kind would be remem-
bered when the boy had passed into history. An additional reason for
its remembrance would be found in the Laws of Virginia, which made
the injury of fruit trees such a serious offence. The laws of 1691, 1733
and 1752, provided if a beast barked a fruit tree the owner should be
fined one hundred pounds of tobacco and a cask to put it in. The mali-
cious injury of a tree would therefore be treated with much greater
severity. By the Ninth of George I. c. 22, enlarged by Sixth George
II. c. 37, Tenth George II, c. 32, and Thirty-one George II. c. 42, the
penalty for cutting or injuring a fruit tree was death. Some of the
Governers favored the theory that the Statute laws of England applied
in the colonies, but whether this was the case in Virginia or not at the
period under consideration does not affect the question, 5 since both at
home and abroad the offence was a serious one. In a new country it was
especially so, and the loss of a fine cherry tree would probably be remem-
bered in the family, though we may feel reasonably sure that George
ran much less risk of swinging in this case than he did at a later period,
when he lifted up, not his little hatchet, but a heavy axe, against the
root of Usurpation's tree. Such, then, is one of the " myths " connected
with the early life of Washington. When it is accepted as a myth,
however, the acceptance will not be based upon a guffaw.

Another " myth " relates to his appointment as midshipman, which
we are told was manufactured out of an attempt to send Washington to
sea in a tobacco ship, as an apprentice before the mast, in hope that, by
good conduct, he might rise to be the captain of such a ship. In proof
that the writers who have touched upon this subject were wrong, and
that it would have been impossible for Washington to have secured the
appointment of midshipman, a letter from his uncle is quoted. This
person was Joseph Ball, the brother of Washington's mother, who, May
19th, 1747, wrote from London, saying among other things, " I under-
stand you are advised and have some thoughts of putting your son
George to sea. I think he had better be put apprentice to a tinker, for

88 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

a common sailor before the mast has by no means the common liberty
of the subject," afterwards saying, "as to any considerable preferment
in the navy, it is not to be expected, as there are always so man}' gaping
for it here who have interest, and he has none." Stress is laid upon the
words " he has none." 5 But how could Mr. Ball, a lawyer living in
London, know much about the real state of the case ? Washington's
brother, Lawrence, had served in the West Indies and was an accom-
plished gentleman. Though Joseph Ball may not have known the fact,
he stood hi^h with General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon. Law-
rence Washington was in correspondence with Vernon, after whom the
estate of Mount Vernon took its name. There is not the slightest prob-
ability that such a person as Lawrence Washington would think of put-
ting his young brother before the mast on a Virginia tobacco ship. Mr.
Ball did not learn the intentions of his sister respecting her son, from
direct correspondence. He says, " I tinderst and that you are advised
* * * of putting your son George to sea." Mr. Ball did not know
the nature of the plan ; while George's mother did oppose it, as Weems
declares, and as we learn from the letter of Mr. Jackson, quoted by
Sparks (Vol. I. p. n).

The reference to tinkers, indicates, of course, that Mr. Ball, was
annoyed by what he considered the poor judgment of his sister, yet his
letter, which is now given for the first time complete, shows that Mrs.
Washington was not in so prosperous circumstances as could be desired
and was in want of timber, which her brother could not spare. 6

As it happens, however, this account of the appointment of Wash-
ington as midshipman did not originate with the " Rector of Mount
Vernon." The matter evidently appeared in print at a very early
period, though the writer has not yet been able to fix the precise
date. An English work, Stearns' " Oracle," was published in London
in 1 79 1, and re-issued with a New York imprint the same year. On
page 447 is the following statement respecting Washington :

" When he was fifteen years of age he entered as a midshipman on
board a British vessel of war that was stationed on the coast of Vir-
ginia ; but the plan was abandoned on account of the reluctance his
mother had against it." This is repeated in the Philadelphia Magazine,
January, 1798, which says that, " after his baggage had been packed up
for embarkation, the plan was abandoned in obedience to the calls of
maternal affection " (p. 15).

Thus it is clear that before Washington had finished his first term
in the presidential office, the account of his appointment as midshipman

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 89

had passed into the history of both the New and the Old World,
and was accepted. A search among the English publications which
cover the period during which Washington began to attract the notice
of the world, would probably bring to light the original statement,
when it may also appear that the Wentworths or the Vernons gave it
currency.

Another point has been brought to notice, as embarrassing, though
it really involves no difficulty. Mr. Weems tells us, in brief, that George's
father one day wrote his son's name in the soft ground, filled the furrow
with seed, covered it over, and left the boy to discover his name in the
sprouting greenery that in time appeared. Upon making the discovery,
George ran to his father in surprise, and learned a pious lesson of cause
and effect, the boy agreeing with his father that it was not the result of
chance, and that, indeed, the universe itself must be due to a first great
Cause. Turning to the works of Dr. Beattie, it appears that that phi-
losopher pursued a similar course with his son. The inference is that
the story was stolen by Weems from Beattie, and made to do service in
a new relation. This might appear conclusive at the outset, especially
to one who approaches the subject under the impression that Weems,
so profuse in rhetoric, was a deliberate manufacturer of apocryphal
stories.

Where the author of the Life of Washington obtained his informa-
tion he does not say, though it belongs to the same class as the anecdotes
derived from a member of the family. The objector creates his difficulty,
bv supposing that Weems had no other source of information than
Beattie, and, in fact, by supposing, what is notably erroneous, that
Beattie gave Weems the idea of his book. He does this without con-
sidering the probability of Beattie himself having been a copyist, or
taking into account the fact that the veracity of the poet and philoso-
pher may be attacked on nearly the same principle that the attack is
made upon Weems. In reality, this device of Beattie's is almost as old
as flowers and seeds themselves, and quite as old as religion. We might
add, as old as love, for poets and amorous swains in all ages have con-
veyed tender declaration by flowers and floriculture, as well as bv hack-
ing trunks of trees, and have disputed this department with the moralist
and the divine. That the father of Washington employed such a method
is by no means improbable. Still, may it not be claimed that the story
of Beattie suggested the language employed by Weems? If, upon a
careful comparison, a sufficient similarity of language should appear,
that might readily be admitted. Because, however, an individual in

90 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

describing a sunset upon the Hudson uses the language of another, it
does not follow that he never saw a sunset upon the Hudson. Litera-
ture abounds with cases to the point.

The late Dr. Spring, in his Autobiography, where he details some of
his European experiences, tells the reader that when visiting the splendid
cathedral at Rouen one of the party of friends with whom he was trav-
eling deliberately knocked off the nose of a " marble saint." There are
those to-day who would mutilate the effigy of Washington. They are
image-breakers, like the New York embassy at Rouen, and want
something to destroy. Our fellow citizens found themselves in the
clutches of the gens d'armes, and, after paying roundly, surrendered the
nose and got off. In the same way the critics of Washington will at least
be obliged to surrender the proofs of their iconoclastic zeal.

We are asked for a new conception of the character of Washington,
but it will prove quite out of the question to furnish a new Washington.
The old one will remain. The circumstances of his life, so far as
known, have been stated fairly. His disposition has been well described.
Some minute particulars are wanting and will remain wanting to the
end of time. This gives a certain play to the imagination, but all great
characters are in a measure viewed in the ideal ; while the greater and
nobler the character the larger is the justification. Perfect biographies
do not exist. There is that in individuals which no word-painting can
convey, and when the object of regard passes from sight, something at
least is hopelessly lost. " Who," says one, " will give us a biography
of Washington as he was ? " We ask in reply, " Who will bring the dead
to life?" A new Washington we cannot create. His character is
indelibly printed upon the hearts of the people. A few fresh details
come to us from time to time, but, notwithstanding the stock phrase of
a class, "recent investigations," the estimate of Washington, so far as
the masses of intelligent people may be concerned, remains what it was.
Washington is still viewed as having been an exceptionally truthful boy,
acknowledging the obligation of filial love and respect ; reverent, though
occasionally given to pranks, and as exercising command over his
youthful associates in a manner prophetic of his after life. In playing
the soldier, he always took the part of commander; while a little later,
in fact while still a boy, his probity, executive ability and high sense of
honor, advanced him to positions not easily reached by men of expe-
rience and age. Contemporaneous testimony proves the remarkable
manner in which he executed his various trusts in early life.

From year to year his character grew, so that when the supreme

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

moment came all eyes turned to him, and found him exactly suited to
the times. To complain that his biographers found him enveloped in
incense is not to the point. His reputation was based upon fact and
was created during his life. They could not help finding him anything
except just what he was. They might have treated him differently, and
even knocked off his nose. But the nose would have been restored.
Washington in his lifetime impressed nearly all men in the same way.
The shameless abuse that he received from Tom Paine and his crew was
exceptional, and it only served as a background for the better exhibition
of his great reputation. So great was the splendor of his character that
Jefferson tried to conceal a certain hostility, while Gates, his military
rival, was ashamed of his own intrigues; the agent of these intrigues
confessing, upon what he supposed to be his dying bed, the baseless
character of his insinuations, and repenting the part that he had per-
formed.

Without, however, pursuing any strict chronological order, let us
observe the manner in which Washington entered upon his military
career at the period of the Revolution. He appears to have been called
to his high position by the voice of the people. Nominated by John
Adams, and unanimously elected by the Continental Congress, he
accepted with reluctance, having serious, but needless doubts, con-
cerning his fitness for the place. He at once proceeded to take com-
mand of the army. The route to Cambridge was attended by one con-
tinued ovation, it being the expression of the popular devotion not only
to the cause, but to the man. His presence everywhere excited wild
outbursts of enthusiasm. All classes of people believed profoundly in
his high mission, at least until his mission interfered with some narrow
interest. Concerning his personal appearance upon his arrival at Cam-
bridge, Thacher says: " His Excellency was on horseback, in company
with several military gentlemen. It was not difficult to distinguish
him from all others. He is tall and well proportioned, and his personal
appearance truly noble and majestic."

Mrs. Adams was not quite so moderate, and wrote to her husband
that "the gentleman and the soldier " were blended in him, and that
modesty marked every line and feature of his face, quoting some lines
from Dryden :

" Mark his majestic fabric ! He's a temple
Sacred by birth and built by hands divine ;
His soul's the deity that lodges there ;
Nor is the pile unworthy of the god."

92 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

Here we have the demi-god sometimes referred to as no longer ex-
isting ; but in reality this view of Washington was the view enter-
tained by some of the ladies, whose privilege it is to view the lords of
creation in their own way. It would be a mistake to suppose that the
people, with all their enthusiasm, entertained any such conception of
the hero.

Upon an inspection of the army assembled at Cambridge, he found
it little better than a military convention held in the open fields, con-
sisting of about fourteen thousand men, without discipline, wanting in
suitable clothing, and lacking every kind of supplies, including ammu-
nition. Yet he at once began to make the best of the situation, and,
writing to Lee, July ioth, says: " This unhappy and devoted province
has been so long in a state of anarchy, and the yoke of ministerial
oppression has been laid so heavily on it, that great allowances are to
be made for troops raised under such circumstances. The deficiency
of numbers, discipline and stores can lead only to this conclusion, that
their spirit has exceeded their strength."

The condition of the army, however, soon began to tell upon him.
while, properly enough, he attributed the lack of discipline to the fact
that the officers had been elected by the men, and conceived that they
were still dependent upon them. Washington also found a provincial
spirit prevailing, and proposed strong measures to break it up. He
would not only take the appointment of all regimental officers away
from the men, but from the provincial authorities, vesting the power in
Congress. After stating the difficulties of the case when writing to
Lee, he says : " I submit, therefore, for your consideration whether
there is or is not a propriety in that resolution of Congress, which
leaves the ultimate appointment of all officers below the rank of general
to the governments where the Regiments originated, now the army is
become Continental. To me it appears improper in two points of view ;
first, it is giving that power and weight to the individual Colony which
ought of right to belong only to the whole ; and next, it damps the spirit
and ardor of Volunteers from all but the four New England Gov-
ernments, as none but their people have the least chance of getting
into office — would it not be better, therefore, to have the warrants
which the Commander in Chief is authorized to give pro tempore
approved or disapproved by the Continental Congress, or a Com-
mittee of their body, which I should suppose in any long recess must
always sit.

In this case every gentleman will stand an equal chance of being

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 93

promoted according to his merit ; in the other, all officers will be con-
fined to the inhabitants of the four New England Governments, which
in my opinion is impolitick to a degree."

This plan was the offspring of the national sentiment which, after
the war, led him to favor the establishment of the Military Academy at
West Point. Washington also, proposed as a part of a general uniform
for the Continental troops, a kind of hunting shirt.

The plan respecting the appointment of officers overlooked the
importance of placing in command officers with whom the troops could
sympathize on local grounds. But above all, the language of Washing-
ton seems to indicate that he did not at that time appreciate the magni-
tude of the coming struggle, and was inclined to consider the difficulty
too much as a sectional affair, that was to be fought out chiefly by New
Englanders.

Very soon, indeed, Washington began to take a still lower view of
New England men than he had hitherto expressed, and, in fact, speaks
in a tone that we should hardly expect in one who had been nominated
for his place by Massachusetts, and had been received with such gener-
ous enthusiasm. This perhaps may be quoted to prove that benefits
conferred could not render him blind to personal defects nor interfere
with the conscientious discharge of duty. However this may be, he is
found, August 29th, indulging in some severe strictures. The letter
containing them was addressed to Richard Henry Lee, and it appears,
in Mr. Sparks' collection of the Letters of Washington. It is, however,
a matter of surprise to find that the letter is not printed in full, while
there is no intimation whatsoever that any portion of it has been omitted.
We regret to be obliged to say that cases of this kind go very far to
shake the faith of investigators respecting the integrity of Mr. Sparks'
editorial labors. Manifestly he was too much afraid of the reputation
of Washington, and needlessly tender of the feelings of Massachusetts
men. There are passages in the letter not in Washington's usual good
taste. This letter was written in " Camp at Cambridge," and in one
of the suppressed passages Washington says to Lee, " As we have now
nearly completed our lines of defence, we have nothing, in my opinion,
to fear from the enemy provided we can keep our men to their duty,
and make them watchful and vigilant; but it is among the most difficult
tasks I ever undertook in my life to induce these people to believe that
there is or can be any danger till the bayonet is pushed at their breasts ;
not that it proceeds from any superior prowess, but rather from an unac-
countable kind of stupidity in the lower class of these people, which, I

94 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

believe, prevails but too generally among the Massachusetts part of the
army, who are nearly all of the same kidney with the privates, and adds
not a little to my difficulties, as there is no such thing as getting officers
of this stamp to carry orders into execution — to curry favor with the
men (by whom they were chosen, and on whose smile they may possibly
think that they may again rely), seems to be one of the principal objects
of their attention." 7

Clearly, Washington was very much annoyed at the time, or he
would hardly have indulged in a general charge of stupidity with
respect to men who had fought at Lexington and Bunker Hill. But he
has not done with them yet, and we can readily appreciate the feelings
of Mr. Sparks when he came to the following passage, which he sought
to remand to obscurity. Washington rather gleefully says :

" I have made a pretty good slam amongst such kind of officers as
the Massachusetts Government abound in since I came to this camp.
Having broke one Colonel and two Captains for cowardly behavior in
the action on Bunker Hill — two Captains for drawing more pay and
provisions than they had men in their company, and one for being
absent from his post when the enemy appeared there, and burnt a house
just by it. Besides these, I have at this time one Colonel, one Major,
one Captain and two subalterns under arrest for tryal. In short, I spare
none and yet fear it will not all do, as these people seem to be too
attentive to everything but their own interests."

The broken Colonel referred to appears to have been Colonel Ger-
rish. Dr. Church, in his letter in Force's Archives (II., 1714), speaks of
" the cowardice of clumsy Gerrish and Colonel Scammons ; " yet it is
difficult to discover how the men in general, by entering upon the
Rebellion against the King, could be viewed as attending exclusively to
their own interests. If they had acted with regard to the small amounts
of Continental money and food and clothing received, they must have
been stupid indeed, and would have done better by keeping to their
farms. Worthless men had, of course, come to the front. It is always
the case under similar circumstances. The system of electing officers
only made the matter worse, since capacity and integrity cannot be
created by any town-meeting process. For a time an undesirable class
of men in New England, as elsewhere, improved the great uprising
to insinuate themselves into place; and Washington treated them as
they deserved. There is, therefore, nothing in this letter to make the ad-
mirers of Washington feel uneasy, much less anything to be suppressed.
Our traditional Washington was human, and could give undeserving

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 95

officers, who were of ''the same kidney with the privates," "a pretty
good slam." No doubt he improved the service, while the publication
of his language will do his reputation no harm. The attempt to increase
his fame by suppressing passages like these, is simply seeking to
improve the sun by expunging his spots.

In this letter Washington shows that at the time he was overbur-
dened with care and responsibility. He wrote under great pressure and
made an occasional slip in grammar. Towards the end of this letter is
the following passage, also not found in Mr. Sparks' volume : " There
has been so many great and capital errors and abuses to rectify, so
many examples to make, and so little inclination in the officers of infe-
rior rank to contribute their aid to accomplish this work, that my life
has been nothing else (since I have been here) but one continued round
of annoyance and fatigue ; in short, no pecuniary recompence could
induce me to undergo what I have, especially as I expect by showing
so little countenance to irregularities and public abuses, to render my-
self obnoxious to the great part of the people. But as I have already
exceeded the bounds of a letter, I will not trouble you with matters
relative to my own feelings."

Washington, in his letter to Lund Washington, nine days earlier,
showed a desire to discriminate, saying : " The people of this Govern-
ment have obtained a character which they by no means deserved — their
officers, generally speaking, are the most indifferent people I ever saw." 8

It will prove of special interest, perhaps, to indicate how Washington
was viewed by elegant and fastidious French visitors, at a time, too,
before the conflict with Great Britain was decided, and before it was
known whether Washington was to appear in history as a great Hero
or a defeated Rebel. We select first the estimate of Chastelleux.
General de Chastelleux, in connection with a visit to the " headquar-
ters of his Excellency, for so Washington is called by the Army and the
infant America," describes him as "a large man, five feet nine inches in
height, of a noble and mild countenance." At dinner, he says, " some
glasses of Claret and Madeira hastened the acquaintance I desired to
make, and soon I found myself at my ease near the greatest and best of
all men. The goodness and kindness which characterise him are felt
in everything that surrounds him, but the confidence he inspires is
never familiar, because the feeling he inspires has the same origin in the
breasts of all, a profound esteem for his virtues, and a high opinion of
his talents." Then when Washington showed his guest the little room
where he was to rest for the night, he " excused himself for the small

96 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

space he had to offer, but with a noble politeness, that was neither burden-
some nor overstrained." At dinner, when the cloth had been removed,
fruits and nuts were served, " of which General Washington ordinarily
partook for two hours, toasting and engaging in conversation," but
always speaking with " a modesty and conciseness which proved that
it was only to please me that he spoke of himself."

Repelling all suspicion of enthusiasm, Chastelleux says, later, of
Washington : " Brave without temerity, laborious without ambition,
generous without prodigality, noble without pride, virtuous without
severity, he seems always to have restrained himself within the limit
where the virtues in clothing themselves in livelier, more changeable
and more doubtful colors might be taken for faults. This is the seventh
year that • he has commanded the army and obeyed Congress; this is
saying enough, especially in America, where all the eulogies are made
which this simple fact implies. Let it be said that Conde was bold,,
Turenne prudent, Eugene adroit, Catinat disinterested. Not so can
Washington be characterised. It will be said of him: At the end of a
long civil war he had nothing to reproach himself of. If anything can be
more marvellous than such a character, it is the unanimity of the suf-
frages in his favor ; Warrior, Magistrate, People all love and admire
him, all speak of him only with tenderness and veneration. *
I do not exclude outward form in speaking of the perfect harmony
which Washington presents. His figure is noble and tall, well formed
and perfectly proportioned, his countenance mild and agreeable, but
such as no one would mention any particular features, and on leaving
him there only remains the recollection of a beautiful figure. His air is
neither grave nor familiar, and on his forehead there is the impress of
thought, but never of disquietude ; in inspiring respect he inspires,
confidence, and his smile is always that of benevolence."

Such was Washington as Chastelleux found him, a rebel against his
government, with his future still unknown.

Another guest, Count Dumas, who was attached to the French forces,
in Rhode Island, and who went to Connecticut to meet Washington,
says : " We had been impatient to see the hero of liberty. His dignified
address, his simplicity of manners and mild gravity surpass our expec-
tation and win every heart." Again he says that at dinner, which was
remarkably plain, " I had perfect leisure to admire the perfect harmony
of his noble and fine countenance, with the simplicity of his language
and the justice and truth'of his observations. He generally sat long at
the table, and animated the conversation with unaffected cheerfulness.'"

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED 97

Claude Blanchard, commissary of the French army, says : " His face
is handsome, noble and mild. He is tall (at the least five feet eight inches).
In the evening I was at supper with him, and I mark it a fortunate day
that in which I have been able to behold a man so truly great." He
also says, " His physiognomy has something grave and serious, but it is
never stern, and, on the contrary, becomes softened by the most gracious
and amiable smile. He is affable and converses with his officers famil-
iarly and gaily." He adds the following respecting one of his table
habits : " I was told that Washington said grace when there was no
clergyman, but I did not perceive that he made this prayer, yet I
remember that in taking his place at table he made a gesture and said a
word, which I took for a piece of politeness, and which was perhaps a
religious action."

These representations are not of an apocryphal nature framed out
of men's fancies in later times, a tissue of tradition that has grown with
the lapse of years. They are the words of men who knew Washington,
and such testimonies might be multiplied almost indefinitely by wit-
nesses of the highest credibility, who had observed the hero under all
circumstances, and who had watched his motions in public and private,
upon the battlefield and in the cabinet, and in all the varied relations
that in the course of years he was called to sustain. The business of
the detractor, therefore, is to show that he has better means of knowing
Washington at the end of a century than they had when the object of
their admiration was still alive.

It is a little curious to notice here that the writers who object to
Weems are inclined to follow in his steps, so far at least as his disincli-
nation to the " demigod " may be concerned ; for it is the " Rector of
Mount Vernon " who complains that, " In most of the elegant orations
pronouncing his praise, you see nothing of Washington below the clouds
'* * * 'tis only Washington the hero and the demigod." But attention
has already been called to the fact that no one ever made Wash-
ington a demigod. In studying Weems, certain writers seem to have
acquired his rhetorical habits, and thus broadcast fling the undisciplined
phrase. Yet if Washington had been held up by writers in the extravagant
fashion supposed, it would not have been altogether surprising. Nothing
appears more ungrateful on the part of a people under incalculable
indebtedness to a great benefactor than parsimonious praise. Still, there
are those who seem to grudge even the poor adjective which bears the
same relation to the merits of Washington that the painted cloud holds
to the snowy form floating sublimely along the blue sky.

98 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

It would not require any labored proof, however, to demonstrate
that the biographers of Washington are seriously misrepresented, and
often, too, by men who appear to have no real acquaintance with the
authors forming the subject of sneers. Hence that author who by one
critic is accused of representing Washington as more than human, is
condemned by another for making Washington a mere " prig," saying,
that the man who not only created the nation, but who did so much
with his pen to create our national literature, did not know how to
spell. In this respect Washington excelled many of the most eminent
public men ; though with his wife and mother orthography was an
accomplishment little cultivated. Fortunately, however, the great name
of Washington is in no way dependent upon any question of orthogra-
phy or grammar, and the eulogist who really has any profound faith in
his hero should not trouble himself to correct the one or amend the
other. j

As already intimated, the traditional Washington found critics in his
life time, though their efforts to injure him proved in vain, notwith-
standing they even resorted to forged letters and sent them out broad-
cast by means of the press. His critics were sadly annoyed by his
popularity, but they poured their slanderous tales into unwilling ears.
Jefferson, while acknowledging the incorruptible integrity of Wash-
ington, tried to reach Washington himself by censuring his administra-
tion. In referring to Washington's treatment of the French Revolution,
Jefferson said that, " like the rest of mankind, he was disgusted with the
atrocities of the French Revolution, and was not sufficiently aware of
the difference between those who were used as the instruments of their
perpetration, and the steady and rational character of the American
people." That Washington, however, failed to appreciate the character
of the American people, was not the verdict of the people themselves,
who sustained him against the faction in this country so desperately
bent upon compromising the United States. In Genet and the French
Minister, who sought to use the ports of America for their abominable
purpose, Washington saw two agents capable of accomplishing great
mischief ; and, when the time came, he proceeded against the Jacobins
with a strong hand, rendering them powerless for harm. Washington
was a Conservative. Posterity has sanctioned his policy, which was
that of a statesman, and not of a politician, as in the latter character he
never appeared. In fact, no politician could have risen to such power
and influence as that which attended Washington. Twice he was
unanimously elected to the highest office that the people could bestow.

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

In both cases the election was undesired, preferring, after the severe
labors of the Revolution, to spend the rest of his days in private life ;
while the second election was actually forced upon him, it being the
general conviction that no other man would prove equal to the situation
•while the newly-devised government was still on trial. Never again,
perhaps, to the end of time, will this country witness a movement so
general, so irresistible, and so grand in favor of a Presidential nominee.

In every case his fame rested upon what was real, though Washington
was never recognized as remarkable in one department independent of
everything else. In this respect, his principal biographers have written
with great circumspection. In some places they even show a nervous
dread of basing his claims upon anything tinctured with tradition or
doubt. Marshall voices the verdict of the best writers where he
describes his hero as " solid rather than brilliant." No one claims that
he was great in the sense that Caesar and Napoleon are called great. It
is allowed that he would not have succeeded 'in the place of Caesar in
Gaul, and that he would not have conquered at Pharsalia. On the other
hand it is claimed that the Emperor would have failed in a position
similar to that of Washington, Washington was great, in that he pos-
sessed a rare combination of gifts, no one of which alone would have
dazzled the world, and which altogether even required the peculiar field
that the}' actually enjoyed for the exhibition of their value and power.
Everett, with all his lofty appreciation and enthusiasm, carefully guards
his expressions, and as generous as may be the words with which he
brings his sketch to a close, it will be difficult to prove, either from his-
tory or reason, that his estimate of Washington is too high. No such
example of spotless integrity has ever been found in connection with
the great wisdom and practical judgment which characterized the har-
monious and thoroughly balanced mind of Washington.

With regard to the personal habits of Washington, we way give the
following description, published in the " Oracle," in 1791 :

" He is very regular, temperate and industrious ; rises in winter and
summer at the dawn of day; generally reads or writes some time before
breakfast; breakfasts about seven o'clock on three small Indian hoe
cakes, and as many dishes of tea, and often rides immediately to his*
different farms, and remains with his laborers until a little after two
o'clock, then returns and dresses. At three he dines, commonly on a
single dish, and drinks from half a pint to a pint of Madeira wine. This,
with one small glass of punch, a draught of beer, and two dishes of tea
(which he takes half an hour before the setting of the sun), constitutes

IOO THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

his whole sustenance until the next day. But his table is always fur-
nished with elegance and exuberance ; and whether he has company
or not, he remains at the table an hour in familiar conversation, then
everyone is called upon to give some absent friend a toast. * - After
he has dined, he applies himself to business, and about nine retires to
rest ; but when he has company he attends politely upon them till they
wish to withdraw." (p. 481).

But it is of interest to observe the impression Washington made upon
another class. For this purpose let us take the description of one who
evidently knew him well, and understood exactly how he ranked in the
estimation of those best qualified to judge of his character and worth.
This description perhaps contains one statement that may strike some
as new, yet more than one prominent biographer has prepared us for it
in saying that in his youth Washington had the small-pox. Upon the
whole, it will not appear much newer than the fact brought out upon
the last twenty-second of February as very new, namely, that through-
out the Revolution he served his country without pay, an astounding
fact in the eyes of office-holders and politicians. The writer in the
Philadelphia Monthly of June, 1798, speaks as follows:

" General Washington is a tall, well-made man, rather large boned,,
and has a tolerably genteel address. His features are manly and bold,
his eyes of a bluish cast and very lively; his hair a deep brown; his
face rather long and marked with the smallpox; his complexion sun-
burnt and without much colour, and his countenance sensible, com-
posed and thoughtful; there is a remarkable air of dignity about him,
with a striking degree of gracefulness. He has an excellent under-
standing, without much quickness ; is strictly just, vigilant and gene-
rous ; an affectionate husband, a faithful friend, a father to the deserving ;
gentle in his manners, in temper rather reserved ; a total stranger to
religious prejudices; * * * in his morals irreproachable; he was
never known to exceed the bounds of the most rigid temperance — in a
word, all his friends and acquaintances universally allow that no man
ever united in his own person a more perfect alliance of the virtues of
a philosopher with the talents of a statesman and a general. Candor,
sincerity, affability and simplicity seem to be the striking features of
his character."

It would perhaps be difficult in the entire range of Washingtoniana
to find in so limited a space a description that, upon the whole, affords
so admirable a representation of the man. It is a pre-Raphaelite pic-
ture. It is indeed one of the class of pictures over which a species of

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED IOI

club-men yawn. But club-men often yawn. The picture lacks the
attraction, one might say the virtue, of vice. There is not the slightest
doubt that very many persons now tired of the picture would at once
become exceedingly interested, if a first-class scandal could be brought
out and linked with Washington's name. After the fashion of dogs, as
described by Carlyle, they reserve their highest relish for inferior
things, and, when vulgar curiosity is disappointed, go their way ; yet
this perfect alliance of the virtues of a philosopher with the talents
of a statesman is what secured to Washington the high place which he
now holds.

In opening the old magazine in which the foregoing sketch is pre-
served, the reader feels well nigh like one who comes upon some for-
gotten album, and finds the photograph of an old and familiar friend.
Washington here appears, not in a cloud of incense, not as a demi-god,
and yet not as a common man. Here we have, in fact, very nearly the
traditional or, it might be said, the " Immortal Washington " of the
average appreciative American. The vindication of Washington,
therefore, would consist simply in presenting the man as he was.

The brief sketch quoted furnishes many a topic upon which it would
be pleasant to dwell. The statement that Washington was a stranger
to religious prejudices, for instance, recalls his reply to the address of
the Roman Catholics, who engaged their lives and fortunes to achieve
American Independence, as well as that to the Jews. At the same time
the religious opinions of Washington were not colorless. He was bred
in the system of the Church of England, as it obtained in Virginia,
where the system was tolerant, or as some have thought, lax. Yet,
whatever may have been the tendencies there during the last century,
the system was preserved in its integrity, and Washington was in sym-
pathy with the established order, observing all the forms. In the
earlier portion of his life, before his time became otherwise absorbed,
he was an active vestryman, He was also an attendant upon the
Communion. In the French and Indian war he would officiate in the
absence of the chaplain. He read the Burial Service at the funeral
of Braddock ; and Lee Massey, whose discourses, preached in the
hearing of Washington, are carefully preserved, said that he never
knew so " constant a Churchman " as he, saying also that his behavior
at church was deeply reverential, and produced the happiest effects
upon the congregation. In advanced age he may not have attended
the Communion in public, as formerly, but of this we have no proof.
The proof, however, is also wanting that he actually did maintain his

102 THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

former practice. When the period arrived, in which all eyes were
fixed upon his movements, it would appear as though his natural
reserve modified his customs in general, and that he retreated more
within his own deep nature. The same was true with regard to his
Masonic connection, for though remaining a true member of the Broth-
erhood, he seldom visited the lodges to take part in their affairs. He,
however, never relaxed his habit of church-going, and was in his place
on Sunday morning with unfailing regularity. When traveling, as for
instance in New England, after attending the Episcopal Church in the
morning, he would appear at the Congregational house of worship in the
afternoon, showing what is called his freedom from religious prejudices ;
while his last words in his chamber at Mount Vernon were : " It is well."
In the language of one who, though solicitous respecting the fame
of Washington, nevertheless scarcely exaggerates, it may be said : " If
the title of a great man ought to be reserved for him who cannot be
charged with the indiscretion of a vice, who spent his life in estab-
lishing the independence, the glory and durable prosperity of his
country, who succeeded in all that he undertook, and whose successes
were never won at the expense of honor, justice, integrity, or by the
sacrifice of a single principle, this title will not be denied to Wash-
ington."

B. F. DE COSTA

1 This letter is in possession of Colonel Frank M. Etting, of Philadelphia.

2 In the possession ot Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D., of New York City.

3 Recommendation

By George Washington

Mount Vernon, July 3, 1799
Reverend Sir,

For your kind compliment — " The Immortal Mentor," I beg you to accept my best thanks. I
have perused it with singular satisfaction ; and I hesitate not to say that it is, in my opinion at
least, an invaluable compilation. ' I cannot but hope that a book whose contents do such credit to
its title, will meet with a very generous patronage.

Should that Patronage equal my wishes, you will have no reason to regret that you ever
printed the Immortal Mentor. With respect I am Reverend Sir

Your most Obedient Humble Servant
The Rev. Mr. Weems. George Washington.

(The foregoing is found on the inside of the cover of a copy of the " Immortal Mentor.")

4 Of the Life of Washington by Weems, it is said (Hough's Washingtoniana, II., 274) that two.
editions were printed in the life-time of the first President. Of this no proof appears. The
editions run as follows :

(a) A History of the Life, Death, Virtues and Exploits of General George Washington-
Dedicated to Mrs. Washington, etc., etc., with the well known lines,
"A life how useful to his country led !
How loved ! while living ! — how revered ! now dead !
Lisp, lisp his name, ye children yet unborn !
And with like deeds your own great names adorn."

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

:o3

The book wis " Printed for the Rzv. M L.
& English, Georgetown. Price 20. 3d. only.
Carter-Brown Library.)

Weems, of Lodge No. So Dumfries. Green
" I2.no, pp. So. The date is wanting. (In

(b) Another edition, evidently of iSoo, but no date, was published for the author by S. Kal-

loch, Elizabethtovvn, New Jersey. Svo, pp. 61. In Congressional Library.

Edition improved. J. Bioren. Philadelphia, pp. 82. No date. Cong. Library and
Brinley Catalogue, Part 2, N. Y. Hist. Soc.

(d) The same, a Third Edition improved. Philadelphia, J. Bioren, pp. 84. Brinley Cata-

logue. No date. I

(e) The same,
No date.

Third E lition improved. Elizabethtown, Shepherd Kalloch.
Brinley Catalogue, Cong. Library, N. Y. Hist. Soc.

8vo, pp. 61,

(f) The only Copyright entry recorded in the Philadelphia Records, from 1790 to 1S11, is one

of the Sixth Edition, entered Aug. 7, 1808, by M. L. Weems, the title being, "The Life
of Washington the Great: Enriched with a number of curious anecdotes, perfectly in
character, and equally honorable to himself, and exemplary to his young Countrymen.
(Motto — 4 lines of doggerel.) Sixth Edition, greatly improved. By M. L. Weems,
formerly Rector of Mount Vernon Parish." (No publisher, or place, or date recorded.)
The writer knows of no copy of this edition. It is referred to on the back of the title
page of the Ninth Edition.

(g) The " Seventh Edition, greatly improved," was printed in iSoS, at Philadelphia, for the

author. i2mo, pp. 228. A copy is in the hands of Miss A. R. Riley, Washington, D. C.

Though the early editions are without date, it will appear that there were five different volumes
prior to the sixth edition, after which, the editions run regularly. Mr. Duyckinck speaks of the
eleventh edition as the perfect one, but the ninth is as perfect ?s the eleventh, while the sixth
probably contained 228 pages like succeeding editions. A recent Philadelphia edition contains an
additional chapter.

don

5 See on the relation of the home laws to the Colonies, Blackstone's
1803, vol. I., p. 107.

Laws of England," Lon-

6 Stratford by Bow, 19th May, 1747.

Sister

I rec'd yo'rs of the 13th of December left by Mr. James Dun, and am glad to hear of you, and
childrens, and Sister Pearsons and Cousin Daniel's Health, though I don't know whether you mean
Mr. Daniel or his wife ; and I wonder you don't mention Rawleigh Travers. I suppose he is dead,
though I never heard of it.

I think you are Right to leave the House where you are and to go upon your own land, but as
for the timber, I have scarce enough for my own plantation ; so I can spare you none of that, but
as for stone, you may take what you please to build you a House. When peace comes, (which I
hope will be within a year,) I will send Cousin Kitty a small token to Remember me by.

I understand you are advised & have some thought of putting your son George to Sea. I think
he had better be put aprentice to a tinker, for a common Sailor before the mast has by no means
the common liberty of the Subject ; for they will press him from a ship where he has 50 shillings a
month and make him take three and twenty, and cut him & slash him and use him like a negro, or
rather like a dog. And as for any considerable preferment in the navy, it is not to be expected,
there are so many always gaping for it here, who have Interest, and he has none. And if he should
get to be master of a Virginia Ship (which will be difficult to do), a Planter that has three or four
hundred acres of Land, and Three or ffour Slaves, if he be Industrious, may live more comfortable
and leave his ffamily in better bread, than such a master of a ship can. And if the planter can get
ever so little before hand, let him begin to Chinck ; that is, buy Goods for Tobacco (I never knew
the man miss while they went on so), but he must never pretend to buy for money and sell for
Tobacco. I never knew any of them but what lost more than they got ; neither must he send his
Tobacco to England to be sold here, and Goods sent him ; if he does, he will soon get in the mer-
chant's Debt, and never get out again. He must not be too hasty to be rich ; but must go on
Gently and with Patience, as things will naturally go. This method, without aiming at being a
ffine Gentleman before his time, will carry a man more comfortably and surely through the world,
than going to sea, unless it be a Great Chance indeed.

104

THE TRADITIONAL WASHINGTON VINDICATED

I pray God keep you and yours. My Wife and Daughter join with me in Love and Respect to
you and yours and the rest of our Relations. I am

Yr Loving Brother,

J. B.
When you write again direct to me at Stratfordby Bow nigh London
To Mrs. Mary Washington

nigh the ffalls Rapp'k River Virg'a
This Letter was furnished by Mr. R. W. Downman of Washington City, who is a descendant
of Joseph Ball, and has his Letter Book.

7 I am indebted for a copy of this letter to Mr. Herbert Lathrop, of New York City, who is a
most zealous and industrious delver in the field of history.

8 In the Letter referred to he also speaks of the 1 roken colonels, and blames the conduct of the
officers at Bunker Hill, observing, " I dare say the men would fight very well, (if properly officered),
although they were exceedingly dirty and nasty people." These terms, though used in the English
sense, are sufficiently disagreeable. There is little doubt but that Washington's opinion on these
points was temporary, and that when discipline was applied the evils complained of were remedied.
See the Letter in the Historical Recora ',11., 550.

WASHINGTON TOMB.

e
w

THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN, N. Y.

WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS

The quaint old building known by the name of Washington's head-
quarters at Tappan, although associated with one of the most important
events of the revolution, — the trial and execution of Major Andre, — has
as yet little more than local reputation. It was erected in the year 1700
as is attested by figures some four feet in height set in the front brick
wall of the building.

Among the interesting relics in the possession of the Historical Society
of Rockland County is an old parchment deed, executed " on the first
day of June in the Thirteenth Year of the Glorious Reighn of our
Sovereign Lady Anne by the grace of God of Great Britain, France
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, anno Domini One thousand seven
hundred and fourteen," conveying to one " Deirk Straatmaaker,
Freeman, one sixteenth part of Orangetown, alias Tapan, for the sum of
Forty Pounds, current money of New York." This property included
the now historic house. It was purchased by Johannes De Wint, a
wealthy planter from the West India Island of St. Thomas, about 1756.

The house stands on the southeast corner of Tappan or Orange-
town, as it was more often called during the Revolutionary period,
a few yards to the southward of the road leading west from the present
railroad station, toward the single street which for more than a century has
constituted the town. There is nothing remarkable about its situation,
although the country about it partakes of the picturesque undulating
character common to Rockland County, but it admirably served the
purposes of an army headquarters from its apparent seclusion, while in
reality within easy reach of the high road of military and general travel.
It was first occupied by Washington in the summer of 1780, when tradi-
tion reports that one of his aids rode up to the door one morning, and
informed Mrs. Blauvelt, a married daughter of De Wint, that the Gen-
eral would soon arrive and occupy the building as his headquarters.
Although Mrs. Blauvelt was a firm adherent of the crown, she recog-
nized the honor of receiving the Commander-in-Chief of the American
Armies as her guest.

The movement of the British forces to the eastward, threatening the
safety of the French contingent which landed at Newport in the sum-

106 THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN

mer of 1780, had been met by a counter movement of Washington
directly menacing- New York. The troops which had been lying inactive
in New Jersey since the withdrawal of the British after the burning of
Springfield in June, were immediately put in motion, and with Wash-
ington at their head crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry on the 31st
July. The manoeuvre had the desired effect. The return of the British
forces was the signal for a new disposition of the American Army ; re-
crossing the river, they went into camp at Orangetown on the 8th
August, where they were reviewed by Baron Steuben, the Inspector
General, on the 10th.

It was at this time that Washington first occupied the Orange-
town headquarters. On the 8th he wrote to General Heath advising
him of his abandonment of an immediate attempt on New York, and
his purpose to establish a temporary communication across the Hudson,
at Dobbs' Ferry, which he immediately fortified. The western terminus
of the ferry lay about two miles from Orangetown. From this place
also he wrote to General Arnold on the 1 ith, notifying him, in the fullest
confidence, of the orders he had given for the defence of the river. He
expressed his opinion that the British could not expect any success
from an attempt on West Point, but " in order that we may run no risk'"
he ordered the halt of the troops under Colonel Malcom at Haverstraw.
" You will put all your posts upon their guard," he enjoined on Arnold.
" They can be affected by nothing but a surprise while this army is so near
them." On the 1 5th he again wrote to Arnold informing him of his general
directions respecting " flags " to the enemy. Thus the old house, from
which he directed the movements of his army was, from the beginning,
connected with the tragedy which ensued. On the 23d August the army
broke camp and moved ten miles lower down the river to Tenafly, to
cover a heavy foraging party sent out under General Greene.

On the 4th September, the forage accomplished, the army marched
to Hackensack, about eight miles to the westward, and went into camp.
On the 2d September Washington wrote Arnold from his headquarters
at Bergen Court House that he had " received intelligence that the
enemy were in preparation for some important movement," and was
uncertain whether it threatened "an attack on the main army or an
attempt on the posts in the Highlands." This important movement
was the proposed surprise of the West Point post by a combined force
of the army and navy from New York. On the 13th the whole army
was reviewed by General Washington, about twenty Indian chiefs
accompanying him.

THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN 107

On the 15th, Washington, in his last communication to Arnold,
advised him of his intention to start for Hartford to meet Rocham-
beau and de Ternay, and requesting- him to send down a guard
of a captain and fifty men to meet him at Peekskill on the
evening of Sunday the 17th, keeping the information to himself, as
"he wished to make his journey a secret." On the 16th Wash-
ington placed Greene in command of the army, giving him his
instructions in writing, and on the 18th, having been delayed a day
longer than he expected, set out on his journey. The army was
ordered to be in readiness to march instantly, but the weather being
rainy the next day, they did not move until the 20th, when they again
marched to the old encampment at Orangetown. Here the tameness
of camp life was only diversified by the constant firing between the
Vulture and the howitzers which the Americans had posted to drive
her off. It has been generally supposed that it was the gun Col-
onel Livingston sent down from Verplanck's to Teller's Point which
forced the Vulture to retire, but there is an entry in an unpublished
diary of Henry Dearborn, who was at Orangetown at this period, which
shows that there were guns on the western bank also. Under date
of September 22d he writes : " At daybrake this morning two cannon
and one howitzer began to play briskly on a ship of war that lay in the
river, the wind and tide being unfavorable for the ship, she was not
able to get out of reach for more than an hour." This accords with the
tradition in the family of Lieutenant-Colonel Ebenezer Stevens, who
commanded the New York artillery in Lamb's absence, and was at this
time at Tappan, that he himself had taken out guns and fired upon the
vessel, following her down the river on the bank. TliQsame day the camp
was enlivened by the arrival of the Chevalier de la Luzerne on his way to
Rhode Island. Monday, the 25th, the news of Arnold's defection and
Andre's capture was received and the army was startled by the general
orders issued by General Greene announcing the " treason of the blackest
dye." Thursday, the 28th, Andre and his confederate, Smith, were
brought in as prisoners, and the same day Washington returned to his
headquarters in the DeWint mansion, where he remained during the trial
and execution of the spy. This painful business concluded, on the 7th
October the troops broke camp and moved into quarters under a new
arrangement ; Washington, with the main army, near Princeton, New
Jersey, and General Greene, with the New Jersey, New York and
New Hampshire troops and Stark's Brigade, at West Point. Later
Washington took up his winter quarters at West Point.

IO& THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN

Orangetown was not again the camping ground of the army. When
the troops moved down on the famous campaign which closed at
Yorktown, they took the inner road from King's Ferry, leaving the village
far on their left. Washington was again at Tappan in the spring of
1783, as appears from a letter of Capt. Ten Eyck to Col. Henry Glen,
preserved in the Glen papers. Washington went down the river early
in May with Governor Clinton to confer* with Sir Guy Carleton, con-
cerning the evacuation of New York City and the final withdrawal of
the British forces from the territory of the United States. Washington
was rowed down the stream from his Newburg headquarters in his barge,
attended by a sloop with his baggage, house and table furniture, etc.
He was escorted by five companies of Light Infantry under the
command of Major Nicholas Fish and a small party of horse. Sir Guy
Carleton went up the river to meet him in a sloop of war. The con-
ference took place on the 6th, as appears from Washington's letter to
Sir Guy after the interview, enclosing to him the resolutions of Con-
gress concerning the treaty between Great Britain and the United
States. On Thursday, the 8th May, the American party dined on board
the sloop, where they were received with military honors and enter-
tained with stately courtesy by Sir Guy. Trumbull, who was present
at the interview, noticed the strong resemblance the two great officers
t>ore to each other — alike sedate and impressive in their manners.
Tradition has it that the conferences were held at the Van Brugh
Livingston house, on the height which overlooks the river at Dobbs'
Ferry, on the eastern shore of the Hudson, but it seems certain that his
headquarters were at Tappan. Capt. Ten Eyck's letter distinctly states
the fact, and as the regiment to which he belonged composed the ferry
guard at West Point, he was in a situation to know what transpired on
the river. On this occasion Trumbull gave him a detail of the meeting.
Washington remained several days on this expedition. He was at
Orangetown on the 3d, and although he was at Newburg on the 9th
and 10th, it would seem that he again went down the river, as Ten Eyck's
letter, written on the 10th from West Point, distinctly states that "Gen.
Washington arrived yesterday (Thursday, May 15) from Tappan." This
conference is one of the most interesting passages in the history of the
Hudson. When Washington and Clinton went on board the British
sloop of war they were saluted with the firing of a number of cannon.
When they left the sloop she fired seventeen guns — in honor of Wash-
ington's exalted military rank. This was the first complimentary salute
fired by Great Britain in honor of an officer of the United States, and
virtually the first salute to the nation.

THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN IO9

Whether Washington made his headquarters on this occasion at the
De Wint house does not appear, but once more in this eventful year
he was its inmate. Some particulars of this visit are recorded
in a letter communicated to Mr, Henry Whittemore, Secretary of
the Rockland County Historical Society and the present custodian and
occupant of the Tappan headquarters, by Mr. Gabriel Furman of New-
burg. The writer of the letter, Elizabeth De Wint, survived her husband,
John De Wint, many years, dying at Fishkill-on-Hudson in 1857, aged
ninety-six years. Mr. Furman married one of her grand-children, and
recalls her relation of many pleasant reminiscences of her early life at
Tappan during the last part of the revolutionary war, and especially of
the balls and parties given at their house, at one of which she opened
the dance in a minuet with General Washington. The letter is dated
at Cedar Grove, November 12, 1820, and is addressed to a friend and
relative, Mrs. Maria Hook, at New York.

" Dear Maria — I was very happy to receive a letter from you and
find that you were comfortably settled in your winter quarters before
the great snow storm, which nobody remembers the like but myself,
and which I believe I shall never forget, as it was the cause of my
enjoying the company of General Washington for nearly three days at
Tappan. It was in November, 1783, the day of the month I do not
exactly remember. He was going to West Point with 8 or 10 officers
to march the troops to the City to take possession when the British
evacuated it. They all called at your grand-father's, and were detained
there by the snow storm. I introduced cards by way of amusement.
Colonel Humphreys told me it was the first time the General had
played cards since the commencement of the Revolution."

Mr.. John De Wint, the husband, w r as at this time in New York
A letter is still preserved, addressed to his wife from the city on
November 4, 1783, which contains this passage: "The troops are begin
ning to embark, and is believed they will all be gone by the 20th
The definitive treaty was signed on the 3d September last, the particu
lars not yet transpired ; so we shall certainly enjoy the blessings o
peace in this good country, and I hope other blessings will unite there
with to make us happy."

Mrs. De Wint was alone, therefore, to do the honors of her mansion.
Her recollection of the time of the visit is correct. Washington, after
issuing his Farewell Address to the Armies of the United States, from
his headquarters at Rocky Hill, near Princeton, New Jersey, on the 2d
November, broke up his household, despatched Captain Bezaleel

110 THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN

Howe, his trusty attendant, with the wagon containing his baggage,
papers and accounts, under escort, to Mount Vernon on the 9th, and
turned his face northward to make arrangements with Sir Guy Carle-
ton for the final evacuation of New York by the British troops. He
received Sir Guy's despatches on the 13th at West Point. In the
interim the delay at Tappan must have occurred, and if the tradition
of the minuet which Washington led with Dame DeWint be authentic,
this was no doubt the occasion, as no record appears of Washington
having stopped at Tappan at any other than the occasions mentioned ;
surely the time of Arnold's defection was not one for revelry.

The house is of one low story, with a high peaked roof which covers
a roomy and convenient attic with windows at the ends. The front of
the building is of dark and light brick, the dark mentioned being of
glazed bricks of deeper color. The upper part of the south end of the
structure above the brick line is of stone. Formerly there Avere exten-
sions on each of the ends, but they are now down. The building fronts
to the west. At each corner there formerly stood large trees, the stumps
of which, about thirty inches in diameter, still remain.

One room in the old house remains unaltered, and with a single
exception, just as Washington left it. This is the parlor, the south-
east room on the ground floor. The massive white oak beams, the
quaint old closets, with the same wooden pegs on which his hat and
military cloak were hung, the old fire-place, mantled with nearly one
hundred Dutch tiles, illustrated Avith Scriptural designs, some of which
are puzzles to the keenest searchers into Holy Writ still remain un-
changed. In this room Washington passed eight of the most eventful
days of his life. Here he held the consultations with his officers. Here
he signed the order convening the Board of General Officers for the
trial of Andre, and here, also, the order for his execution ; and it was
from this house that provisions went to the stone house near by for
the sustenance of the unfortunate prisoner. From the western window
in this parlor it is said that Washington saw the preparations which were
bein^ made on the hill for the execution and ordered the blinds to be
closed. It is a singular circumstance, and a striking proof of Washing-
ton's nice comprehension of the fitness of things, that he never saw
Andre, either alive or dead.

There are numerous traditions in the neighborhood with regard to
Washington's habits. One, that he walked every morning to a little
spring near by to take a cooling draft. This is quite in accord with his
early rising habit. Another, that he was wont to drive along the
old Kind's road, in a two-horse carriage.

THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN III

Still another tradition, which it is pleasant to record, shows that
with Washington the "quality of mercy was not strained." "The
grandmother of Col. Harring of Tappan, who daily visited the Ameri-
can camp on occasions of kindness, found one day a soldier under sen-
tence of death for desertion. He earnestly entreated her intercession
in his behalf. She called early the next morning at headquarters, and
met the officer of the day, who informed her that General Washington
was then at family worship, but as soon as she saw the front door open,
and the General walking to and fro through the hall, she could enter.
After waiting a few minutes she saw him approach the door. She went
up to him and made known her errand. He listened to her kindly, and
said: ' Madam, I would willingly do anything in my power to please
j*ou, but your request is a hard one ; I am afraid he is a bad man ; for
3'our sake, however, I will see what can be done.' The next morning
when she visited the camp, she was overwhelmed with demonstrations
of gratitude from the man whose life she had saved. The sequel showed
the correctness of Washington's judgment. The man again deserted,
was recaptured, and shot." There is evidence that some men in Colo-
nel Stuart's light infantry regiment were tried " for robbery " on the
17th September, 1780, and sentenced to death, and perhaps others were
also convicted of desertion. The discipline of the American army was
very severe. It was the fact of these trials and executions that led to
the doubt whether the body taken up by Consul Buchanan in 1821 as
that of Andr6, but not identified by personal marks or remains of
clothing, was not that of one of these men.

The site of the camp at Tappan has been a matter of considerable
investigation. According to the best opinions and the tradition of the
neighborhood, it was posted in three different places ; a part at the
gulley to the northward on Sparkill Creek, about a mile above the Tap-
pan village, where there is an opening in the long line of the Hudson
cliffs, to cover this position ; a second part on the triangle of meadow-
land south of the village, where through a similar opening in the hills
the Sparkill widens and forms the Tappan slote. This spot is known
as the Wolver's Kull or Wolf creek. Here wolves were formerly
baited and caught in a large pit covered with brush ; the main body lay
north of the road which leads to the Mabie field where Andre was
executed. Here there were until recently the remains of camp ovens,
and the spot still retains the name of Washington's Hill. Here the lines
were drawn up in front of which the execution took place. The camp
ground extended to the westward, covering the neighboring high ground.

112

THE DE WINT HOUSE AT TAPPAN

The Sparkill was the seat of Indian encampments. On its bank.
just 1 below the hill called the Sugar Loaf, in the high road, Mr!
Alfred Mabie, while engaged some years ago on the work of the
Northern Railroad of New Jersey, found about two feet below the
surface a hearth of round blackened stones and a number of oyster
shells, evidently the scene of an Indian clam bake. The Indian name oi
the Sparkill was Minneseagou.

Independent efforts were made last year by Mr. William Rogers of
New York City, the owner of the De Wint house, Washington Head-
quarters, and Dr. James J. Stephens, of Tappan, the owner of the
Mabie House, now known as the old Seventy-six Stone House, to
secure the purchase of these relics of the past by the State. Their de-
struction would-be a misfortune and a serious loss to the people of the
State. The Hudson is visited by thousands of tourists every summer.
As time rolls on, an increasing interest in the historic recollections of this
beautiful river will add to its natural attractions. The more of these
points it presents, the greater will be the number of those who will not
only sail up the river but linger on its banks. The historic associations
of the Rhine have brought countless sums of money to the villages on its
borders. With a wise policy the countless spots on the American
stream with their Indian legends, colonial romance and revolutionary
story, will bring to it a travel as extensive and as profitable.

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS

WASHINGTON'S ROOM.

THE WASHINGTON MANOR HOUSE, SULGRAVE

NORTHAMPTONSHIRE, ENGLAND

Sulgrave, or Solegrave, as it is called in some of the earlier deeds,
was erected into a lordship by act of Parliament in 1760. In the Domes-
day survey it contained "four hides," and was divided into four perma-
nent holdings. The river Tove, which is the boundary between the
counties of Northampton and Buckingham, takes its rise from Holy-
well Spring in this lordship. From the time of the Conquest it had been
in the family of the Pinkeneys, who held the barony of Weeden, of
which Sulgrave was a part. Later the Pinkeney estate was divided
into the St. Andrew's Priory and Elington Manors.

In the time of Edward III. the Prior of St. Andrews, Northampton,
was one of two persons certified to be lords of Sulgrave by a service of
money, to the castle guard of Windsor. On the dissolution of the mon-
asteries by Henry VIII. , in 1539, the manor of Sulgrave, a parcel of the
dissolved priory of St. Andrew, with all the lands in Sulgrave and
other lands belonging to the priory, were granted to Lawrence
Washington of Northampton, Gent., from whom it passed to his son
and heir, Robert Washington, who, jointly with his eldest son, Law.
rence Washington, sold the manor of Sulgrave in 1610 to his nephew,
Lawrence Makepeace. " Lawrence Washington, after the sale of this
estate, retired to Brington, where he died."

Baker, in his elaborate volume on the History and Antiquities of
the County of Northampton, London, 1 822-1 830, from which these
details are taken, subjoins to his account of the manor a pedigree of
the Washingtons of Sulgrave, from the heralds' visitations and title
deeds, in which he traces the descent of the family from John Wash-
ington of Whitfield, Lancaster county, and says in the context that
after the death of Lawrence Washington, who sold the manor, " his
second son, John Washington, emigrated to America about the middle
of the seventeenth century, and was great-grandfather of the American
patriot, George Washington."

Whaley, in his older History and Antiquities of Northamptonshire,,
compiled from the manuscript collection of the learned antiquary, John
Bridges, Oxford, 1791, gives some other details. The Lawrence Wash-
ington to whom Henry VIII. granted the manor was, he says, the son

114 THE WASHINGTON MANOR HOUSE

of John Washington of Warton, Lancashire, by Margaret, the daughter
of Robert Kitson of Warton. On his death he left the estate in Sul-
grave to Robert Washington, his eldest son by Ann, the daughter of
Robert Pargiter, by whose posterity it was long enjoyed, and from
whom it received the name of " Washington's Manor."

The church, dedicated to St. James, is described to consist " of a body
and south ile leaded and chancel tiled. At the west end is a low em-
batteled tower, in which are five bells. The length of the church and
chancel is seventy-one foot ; the breadth of the body and ile, twenty-
nine foot. The length of the tower is twelve foot and the breadth nine
foot." The old register was burned some time ago with the Vicarage
house. The succeeding one begins in 1649. This church was given
very early to the Convent of St. Andrew in Northampton by Barthol-
omew, the Son of Godfrey de Sulgrave, with the consent of his Supe.
rior, Lord Robert de Pinkeney. * * - * * *

At the upper end of the north aisle are these arms, two bars in chief
three mullets, upon an old marble ; underneath is the figure of a man, in
brass, and at his feet the following inscription, on a brass tablet : «

"Here lyeth the body of Laurence Washington and of Anne his wyf by
whom he had issue, iiii sons and vii daughters . . . died the . . . day of . . .
M De. . . . and Anne deceased the vii day of . . . An. Dom. 1564."

In i860 the Rev. John Nassau Simpkinson, Rector of Brington
Northants, in a work by him entitled, " The Washingtons ; a tale of a
country parish in the 17th Century, based on authentic documents,"
takes up the family history. Here we find that it was at the instance
and suggestion of his uncle, Sir Thomas Kitson, a great London mer-
chant, that Lawrence Washington turned his attention to the wool
trade in the very crisis of the great sheep farming movement in the
midland counties, and abandoning his profession as a lawyer, settled in
Northampton, where he soon acquired consideration and influence. A
friend to the principles and cause of the Reformation, his acquisition
of the grant of the manor and lands of Sulgrave gave him a prominent
position among the landed gentry of the county. Recalling to mind
the ill-fortune which was supposed to cleave to the holders of the
church property which Henry VIII. seized on breaking up the estates
of the monasteries, Mr. Simpkinson notes that it was the fatal third
generation that was compelled to leave Sulgrave, and that it was Law-
rence, grandson of the original grantee, who removed to Brington and
accepted from Lord Spencer, his friend and relation through the
Kitsons, a small house in the parish of Brington, close to Althorp Park.

THE WASHINGTON MANOR HOUSE

115

The rector questions the accuracy of Baker's statement that Lawrence
Washington " retired to Brington where he died," and gives his reasons
for his doubt. He considers that the residence of Lawrence Wash,
ington at Brington began in 1606, and was terminated 'by the sale of the
Sulgrave estate, in the cutting off of the entail of which he joined.
From these arguments, which he supplements by other corroborative
circumstances, it appears that the Washingtons occupied the Sulgrave
Manor House from 1539 to 1606, a period of sixty-seven years.

In the Northamptonshire Directory the additional information is
given that the first lord of the Washington manor by the grant of
Henry VIII., in 1539, was a lawyer of Gray's Inn, Lord and Mayor of
Northampton in 1532, and again in 1545. It is his body that lies in the
Church of St. James, in the tomb which has been described.

Without entering into the discussion on the line of descent of the
Washingtons of Virginia from English progenitors, these brief notes are
presented as of interest to American readers. The engraving which is
here given is taken from a photographic view of the Manor House made
in 1877, and kindly furnished by Mr. Frank H. Norton, of New York.

EDITOJR

WASHINGTON MANOR HOUSE, SULGRAVE.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

LETTERS OF WASHINGTON

THIRTY-TWO
NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME PUBLISHED

I 782 "I 783

cxx

From a duplicate — the gift of William A. Fitz-
hugh to the New York Historical Society

Philadelphia, 6 Feb, 1782
Sir,

My knowledge of the goodness of
your Excellencys heart induces me,
without hesitation, to request your at-
tention to an affair, which is of conse-
quence to a particular Friend of mine,
Colonel Fitzhugh of Maryland.

While the common Enemy were in
possession of the Chesepeake, they com-
mitted great depredations upon that
Gentleman's property, burning his
Houses and carrying away upwards of
forty of his most valuable Slaves. Five
of those people, in endeavouring to make
their escape from York, were taken in
the Bay and put on board the Magnan-
ime ; no person appearing with proper
authority to claim them, they were una-
voidably carried off with the fleet to the
West Indies.

I take the liberty of indorsing a list of
the names and a description of the per-
sons of the Slaves — Should they be still
on board the Fleet, I will take it as a
very great favor, if your Excellency will
direct them to be sent back by any Ves-
sel coming either to Virginia or Mary-
land ; or should they have been sent on
Shore and put under the care of any
particular Gentleman, you will oblige
me by giving him information to whom
they belong, and desiring him to send
them back to their Master who will pay

the expences of their passage.

I have heard with infinite pleasure of
your Excellency's safe arrival at Mar-
tinico, and am now impatiently waiting
the result of the Operation under your
direction. If the united good wishes of a
gratefull people can contribute to your
success your Campaignin theWest Indies
will be as glorious as that in America.

I have the honor to be, with perfect
respect and the warmest personal at-
tachment, Sir, Your Excellency's

Most obedient and humble Servant,

[Go Washington]
His Excellency

Count de Grasse

CXXI

From the original — the gift of William A. Fitz-
hugh — in the New York Historical Society.

Phila, Feb 8th, 1782
Sir,

The letter of which the inclosed is
duplicate and put under cover for you
to forward, will I hope produce the ef-
fect you wish it to have with the Count
de Grasse. The original I shall request
the Minister of France to send with his
first dispatches to the West Indies.

I thank you for the communication in
your letter of The present mo-
ment will not allow me to add more
than my congratulatory compliments to
Mrs. Fitzhugh & yourself on the mar-
riage of the Captain — to whom & his
young bride I wish every imaginable joy
— please to make a tender of my bets
respects to Colo & Mrs Plater.
With much truth & affectn
I am Dr Sir

Yr most Obedt Hble Servt
Go Washington
Colo William Fitzhugh

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

II 7

CXXII

Communicated by Edward E. Sprague

Newburgh April 1st 1782
Sir

On my way from Philadelphia to this
place I had the pleasure to receive your
favor of the 20th of March, covering
an Oration delivered by Mr. Tutor Megs
on the surrender of Lord Cornwallis.

I entreat you will make that gentle-
man sensible of the high gratification I
have received from his ingenious per-
formance, and that you will be convinced
of the ardent passion I have for the
promotion of the cause of Literature in
general, and especially of the pleasure
I feel in the increasing reputation &
utility of the Seat of. Learning under
your immediate direction — With every
sentiment of personal regard
I have the honor to be

Yr most obet Ser,

Go Washington
The Revd Ezra Stiles D.D.

Presidt of Yale College New Haven

CXXIII

From the original — gift of William A. Fitzhugh
to the New York Historical Society

Newburgh 17 April 1782
Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 28th ulto came to
my hands by the last Post — Inclosed
is a duplicate of my Letter to Count de
Grasse, which I hope will get to his
hands, if the original committed to the
care of the Chevr De la Luzerne mis-
carried.

I am glad to hear your son William
is so well satisfied with the reception
given him by Genl Greene — with his

appointment — and with the country he
is in — Cloathing has been sent on for
the Southern Army, but they got dissi-
pated and lost in the transportation.

I have no idea that any number of
men can be obtained at this stage
of the contest by voluntary enlistment,
and fear we are only deceiving our-
selves, and lingering out the war by
attempting it. Our Battns I am certain
can never be compleated in this way to
answer the purposes of the Campaign,
the consequence of which must be that
instead of following up our blows, we
give the enemy time to recover — or we
must to carry on offensive operations
have recourse to the ineffectual — ex-
pensive — and ruinous expedient of call-
ing out militia — which never did —
nor ever will answer any valuable pur-
pose —

My best respects, in which Mrs Wash-
ington's are united, attend Mrs Fitz-
hugh, and I am with sincere esteem and
regard

Dr Sir Yr obdt & affe Hble Servt

Go Washington
The Honble William Fitzhugh Esq
Maryland

CXXIV

From the original in the United States Naval
Lyceum Library, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Newburgh 22d April 1782
My dear Sir —

I have only time by Mr Eveleigh to
acknowledge the rect of your private
letter of the 2d, & to thank you for it —

The moment I am at leizure & a good
opportunity offers, I shall write you
more fully on the subject.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Permit me to recommend the Letters
herewith inclosed to your care — if no
better oppertunity offers, be so good as
to forward them by the first Post.
Most sincerely & affectionately
I am Yrs,

Go Washington
Majr Genl Lincoln

CXXV

Communicated by Simon Gratz

Newburgh Apl 22d, [i7]82
Dear Sir, <

Your favor of the 21st ulto, covering
a letter for the present Lord Fairfax,
came to my hands about eight days ago
— the latter was immediately sealed and
sent into New York with other letters
which came at the same time from Colo
Martin — Altho' the good old Lord had
lived to an advanced age, I feel a con-
cern at his death — and wish the parti-
tion of his Estate had been more in
your favor.

I have received and thank you for
your favor of the 18th of Jany — the
assurances of unabated friendship on
your part are nattering and pleasing to
me; and call for an acknowledgement —
which I can make with truth — of re-
ciprocal regard on mine. It will ever
give me pleasure to hear of your health
& prosperity — With much esteem and
sincere affection,

I am Dr Sir

Yr most Obedt Servt

Go Washington
Bryan Fairfax Esq

Fairfax Cty Virginia

CXXVI

From the Clinton MSS. in the State Library,,
Albany

Head Quarters New Burgh
25th April 1782
Sirs

You will be pleased to Issue provisions
for the Subsistence of the levies of this
State, which will be assembled at Fish-
kill in a few days under the orders of
Govr Clinton taking care that your
Issues to them be made under the same
restrictions and regulations as are estab-
lished for your Goverment in Your
Issues made to the Continental Troops
and particularly observing that no man
is to be furnished untill it is Certifyed
that he is regularly mustered and re-
ceived agreeable to the orders of the
Governor

I am sir Yr mo Huml Ser,

G Washington
Comfort Sands Esq & Co

CXXVII

Communicated by Lt. F. Hanford, U. S. Navy

Head Quarters 23rd May 1782
Sir

I have been honored with your Excel-
lency's Letter of Yesterday, with its
inclosures respecting Mr. Muirson.

Sensible of the Impropriety of suffer-
ing persons of his character to remain
in the Country at this Time, I inclose
to your Excellency a permission to Capt
Pray who commands at Dobb's Ferry to
pass Mr. Muirson within the Enemy's
Lines. The Time for his going in I
submit to your Excellency knowing that
you will not wish his Continuance
longer than is necessary.

It was my Expectation that your
Levy Recruits would have been delivered

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

by the State to their Regiments. But
two officers having been ordered on to
Receive those at Fishkill from Colo
Weizenfelts I think u it will be best for
those from Colo Willet's Regiment to
be delivered at the same place.

I have the Honor to be Sir
Your Excellency's Most humble Servt

Go Washington
His Exy Gov Clinton

CXXVIII

Communicated by F. H. Roof

Head Quarters 24 May 1782
Gentn,

You will proceed to Fishkill and there
apply to Colonel Weissenfels for the
proportion of the Levies destined for
your Line, one half of which are for the
Regiment of Artillery and the other half
for the two Regiments of Infantry.

You are to receive no men but such as
are able bodied and every way fit for
soldiers.

So soon as you have reed your pro-
portion of Col Weissenfels Regiment
you will send them on to the Regiments
for which they are destined, under the
care of an Officer, and the remaining
Officers will meet at Fishkill to receive
those which will be sent from Capt.
Willet's Regiment, which are to be
divided in the same manner.

Before you send away the Recruits
you will make a return to rrre of the
number you have reed.

I am &c G Washington.
To Capt Machin
Lt Forman

Ensgn Swarthout

York Line

CXXIX

Communicated by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet

Headquarters 21st June 1782
Sir

The Thousand Barrels of salted pro-
visions which the Contract obliges you
to furnish, I conceive to be intended
for the contingent purposes of the
Army, depending on particular opera-
tions, and not for immediate Issues

previous therefore to replying to your
Question respectg the places of Deposit,
I will be glad to know, whether the Con-
tractors for the movg Army, mean to
supply any Quantity of salted provisions
for immediate Issue, or occasional Ex-
penditures — for the latter, should it be
your Intention, I have no hesitation to
give you an instant reply — and upon a
resolution of that point, I shall be en-
abled better to determine the former

I am Sir — Your most Obed Servt

G. Washington
Timothy Edwards Esqr

exxx

Communicated by Edward E. Sprague

Philada July 22nd 1782
Madam,

Your favor of the 17th conveying to
me your Pastoral on the subject of
Lord Cornwallis's capture, has given
me great satisfaction. —

Had you known the pleasure that it
would have communicated, I flatter my-
self your diffidence would not have del-
ayed it to this time.

Amidst all the complimts which have
been made on this occasion, be assured
Madam that the agreeable manner and
the very pleasing sentiments in which

120

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

yours is conveyed, have affected my
mind with the most lively sensations of
joy and satisfaction.

This address from a person of your
refined taste and elegance of expression,
affords a pleasure beyond my powers of
utterance ; & I have only to lament
that the Hero of your Pastoral is not
more deserving of your Pen, but the cir-
cumstance shall be placed among the
happiest events of my life.

I have the honor to be Madam

Yr most obt and respectful Servt
Go Washington
Mrs. Stockton

CXXXI

Communicated by Edward E. Sprague

Head Quarters 6th Augst 1782.
Sii

I have received your two letters of the
9th & 2 1 st of July — the first of which
reached me but last Evening by the
Hand of Mr. Ten Eyck.

On the subject of the Indians, I am
at a Loss what to reply to you ; the
matter has been often under the Deliber-
ation of Congress at times much more
favorable for conciliating the affections
of that people ; but, either the means
for carrying the Measure you mention
into execution, have not been in their
power, or the measure itself has not been
thot proper to be adopted; at the present
time, I am persuaded, that the finances
of the United States are not competent
to the Object, in the Extent in which
you view it. — In the mean time, it may
be well to make the best we can of the
favorable disposition of the tribe now
under our immediate protection — but it
is not in my power to give you the

Means — the Subject shall be mentioned
to the Secretary at War; to whom your
Ideas shall be communicated, with my
full approbation of your sentiments

Not considering it to be within my
province to give Directions for the Issue
of cloathing to your Three Years state
Troops, I will transmit your Letter &
Return to the Secretary at War, under
whose Direction all Issues of Cloathing
are to be made, and desire him to give
Instructions respecting that Subject.
With much Regard I am Sir
Your most hum Servt

Go Washington
Colo Marinus Willet

CXXXII
From the Livingston Correspondence — Com-
municated by S. L. M. Barlow

Head Quarters n August 1782
Sir

Your Excellency s Letter of the 29
July came to hand only the day before
Yesterday — the intention of Confining
the Flags to Dobbs ferry, was to prevent
the disadvantages arising from the con-
tinual and unrestricted intercourse that
was kept up with the enemy from various
parts of the Continent, and more partic-
ularly from Elizabeth- Town.

I have no objection to your Excel-
lency's granting Passports to any of your
Citizens under the circumstances you
mention, being convinced that you will
suffer no person to go in, whose character
and views in going you are not perfectly
acquainted with —

With great regard

I have the honor to be Sir
Your Excellency's Most obedt Servt

Go. Washington
His Excellency Governor Livingston

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

121

CXXXIII

Communicated by J. Watson Webb

Head Quarters Sept 25 1782
Sir

You will cause two days provisions to
be drawn and cooked for the Light In-
fantry by tomorrow night ; and hold
that Corps in perfect readiness to march
at day break on friday Morning next.

You will select a sufficient number of
men least capable of Marching or others
to take care of your Camp
I am S r

your most obedt Servt
Go Washington,
Colonel Webb

CXXXIY

Communicated by J. Watson Webb

Head Quarters November 11 1782
Sir,

As there has been no official Report
made to me of the Arrangement of the
Connecticut Line, I cannot interfere in
matter ; nor would I choose to make
alterations in it, before the first day of
January, when it is to become final, —
if there does not appear to have been
some deviation from the principles con-
tained in the Act of Congress of the 7th
of August, or injurious to the public in-
terest.

The good of the Service, I hoped
would have been the governing principle
in arranging the officers ; and I cannot
but flatter myself the agreements among
the several grades of officers, may yet
be rendered subservient to that end.

As soon as Colo Jackson shall be able
to join the Light Corps (which it is ex-
pected will be the case in a few days) I

shall have no objection to your attending
to the particular interests of your Regi-
ment in the Line
I am Sir
Your most obedient Servant

Go Washington
Colo S. B. Webb

cxxxv

Communicated by Mary E. Norwood
Private

Head Quarters Deer 3rd 1782
Dear Sir

Your favor of the 28th ulto came
duly to hand — I have been under the
necessity of delaying an answer until
this time

The Relief for the Lines is to move
from Camp this morning — Colonel Webb
has directions to send two Companies
to Bedford, who will be there this Even-
ing or to-morrow Morning, and wait
until they receive your Orders — The
necessary advices respecting the Infant-
ry Companies & Dismounted Dragoons
are also given to Colonel Sheldon, by
this conveyance.

You will therefore attempt to carry
the proposed Plan into execution on
Thursday Night the 5th instant unless
some accident should intervene to pre-
vent it — In conducting the business
you will be governed entirely by your
own discretion — Should anything hap-
pen to render the Enterprize impractica-
ble you will join Colo Sheldon, or if he
shall have marched you will follow with
the whole Party to Dobb's Ferry

I am Dear Sir with great regard
Your most obedt Servt

Go Washington.

122

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

P.S.

Should any Intelligence arrive you
will have it instantly forwarded to me —
& leave the same word with Colo
Sheldon
Major Tallmadge

2nd Regt Light Dragoons, Stanwix

CXXXVI

Communicated by Mrs. George T. Balch

Head Quarters December 10 1782
Dear Sir,

I received your favor of the 8th last
Evening by Express tho you have not
met with that success you deserved and
probably would have obtained had the
Enterprise proceeded, yet I cannot but
think your whole conduct in the affair
was such as ought to entitle you still
more to my confidence and esteem — for
however it may be the practice of the
World, and those who see objects but
partially, or thro' a false medium to
consider that only as meritorious which
is attended with success, I have accus-
tomed myself to judge of human Actions
very differently and to appreciate them
by the manner in which they are con-
ducted, more than by the Event ; which
it is not in the power of human foresight
and prudence to command — In this
point of view I see nothing irreparable
& little occasion of serious regret, except
the wound of the gallant Captain Brew-
ster, from which I sincerely hope he
may recover — Another time you will
have less opposition from the Winds
and Weather, and success will amply
compensate you for this little disappoint-
ment.

I have almost determined to post you
with the Infantry of the Legion contig-

uous to the Sound, in which case I shall
expect you to persevere in your en-
deavours to keep me perfectly advised
of the State of the Enemy — and perhaps
some favourable moment may yet occur

I am Dear Sir
With sincere regard & esteem

Your most obt Servt

Go Washington
Major Tallmadge

P. S. Your letter of the 5 th with the
enclosures were safely delivered to me.

CXXXVII

Communicated by Goldsborougli Banyer
Newburgh — 23rd Deer 1782
Dear Sir-
By yesterday's Post I received advice
of the completion of the Bargain I men-
tioned to you in my last — and that I
should be drawn upon in a few days for
the amount — viz : ^1880 Virg'a Curr'y
which differs from the Curr'y of this
State \ — Dollars in Virginia passing for
no more than six thirty's shilgs

I shall take the liberty of calling upon
your Excellency with my Bond for this
money in the course of two or three
days lest any impedimt in the River
should occasion a disappointment.

The Gentn to whom the money is to
be paid wished to have it lodged in
Philadelphia — If your Excellency
knows any person on whom dependence
can be placed, that would receive the
money here and give a draught for it
there I shall thank you for mentioning
it when we meet —

I am with great esteem & regard,
Dr Sir Yr Most obt & affecte Servt
Go Washington
His Excell'y Govr Clinton

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

123

CXXXVIII

Communicated by John Davies
Philadelphia Dec 25th 1782
My Lord —

I have the pleasure of your Lordships
favor of the 13th If the accounts be
true the Enemy have no occasion to
boast of their Northern Campaign.

Should your business call you to
Princetown and you can make it con-
venient to extend your ride to Philadel-
phia, I shall be happy in seeing you.

Mrs. Washington is better than I
could have expected after the heavy loss
she met with — your kind condolance on
the occasion adds to the esteem of
Your Lordships most Ob.
and hum. Serv

Geo Washington.
Major Genl Lord Sterling

17*3

CXXXIX

Communicated by Mrs. H. A. Farnsworth.
Headquarters, January 21, 1783
Sir,

I have lately received your Letter of
the 4th, and have now to give my appro-
bation to the Plan contained therein, for
suppressing the illicit intercourse which
prevails so scandalously with the enemy.

As this is an object in itself very
important and particularly recommended
by Congress, I cannot but think it
proper that the Boatmen actually em-
ployed to assist you in the performance
of this Service, should be entitled to
receive public provisions. You are

therefore hereby authorized to draw from
the Contractors for such proportion of
them as you shall judge essentially
necessary ; taking care to limit the
number as much as the circumstances
will admit, to prevent impositions of
every kind, and to give the Vouchers in
such manner as that they may be
authenticated by a further sanction from
Head Quarters if necessary.

The Quarter Mastr Genl upon your
application to him will give what aid he
is able towards furnishing Fuel for your
command

I am sir, with great esteem,

Your very Hble Servant

Go Washington

Major Tallmadge

CXL

From the Steuben papers in the N. Y. Histor-
ical Society

Head Quarters Newburg
Feb 18, 1783
Dear Baron

On 18 of Janry I wrote to Colonel
Stewart urging in the strongest terms I
was master of the necessity of his imme-
diately joining the Army ; since which
time I have not heard a word from him.
I now think myself obliged, in justice to
my official character and duty to the
Public to signify to you as head of the
Department, that it will be essential to
the service either for Colonel Stewart to
repair to Camp without one moment's
loss of time, or that another Inspector
should be appointed to the Army as
soon as possibly may be.

The Baron will be pleased to under-
stand that the occasion of my being so

124

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

explicit on this subject, is because I
have repeatedly heard that Colonel
Stewart had entirely recovered his
health, and cannot in that case conceive
of any just reason for his being absent,
and because I am fully convinced the
Service is every day suffering very great
inconveniences & injuries for want of
himself or some other gentleman of
character and abilities to execute the
duties of the office he sustains. It being
impossible for Major Barber (notwith-
standing he made the greatest exertions)
to perform the whole business of the
Department monthly in the manner it
ought to be done

I am Dear Baron
with sentiments of the highest esteem,
[Go Washington]
Maj Genl The Baron Steuben

CXLI

Communicated by Charles Bruff

Head Quarters, 31st March 1783
Sir

The Article in the provisional Treaty
respecting Negroes, which you mention
to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my
Notice, but upon a recurrence to the
Treaty, I find it as you have stated.
I have therefore thot it may not be amiss
to send in your Letter to Sir Guy, and
have accordingly done it,

Altho I have several Servants in like
predicament with yours, I have not yet
made any attempt for their recovery.

Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will
decide upon the propriety or expediency
of any pursuit to obtain them. If that
reply should not be transmitted thro my

Hands, I will thank you for a Commu-
nication of it.

With much Regard, I am

Sir Your most obedient Servt

Go Washington
Colo Theo Bland

A Delegate in Congress

Philadelphia
On the reverse is :

Genl Washington s letter respecting my
Negroes, carried off by the British con-
trary to Treaty.

CXLII

Communicated by C. E. Van Cortlandt, from
the Glen papers.

Head Quarters, New Burgh,
April 14, 1783
Sir,

Official accounts of the happy conclu-
sion of a Peace have been transmitted by
Sir Guy Carleton to General Haldimand
at Quebec by his officers who passed
thro this place a few days since, but as a
very considerable time must elapse
before these Gentlemen can arrive at
Quebec and the news be communicated
from thence to the British posts in the
upper country, and as humanity dictates
that not a moment should be lost in
endeavoring to prevent any further in-
cursions of the Indians (who it is said
have already struck at Wyoming) I have
thought it proper to write to General
McLean, commanding the British Force
in that quarter, and to inclose to him
the King of Great Britain's Proclamation
for the cessation of Hostilities, and this
Letter I must direct you to forward to
him at Niagara by some trusty Indian

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

I2 5

runner with all possible expedition —
the expense attending this business
shall be repaid on your informing me
of it.

You will at the same time give
orders to the troops and Indians under
your command to forbear all acts of
Hostility against the troops of his Brit-
tanic Majesty other than for their own
immediate defence.

I am Sir, Your very humble &

obedient servant
Go Washington
To Colonel Marinus Willet

P S — The dispatch is left under a
flying seal that you may see the news-
paper which is enclosed, after readirg
you will please to return the paper seal
& send forward

Yours, J. Trumbull Sec

CXLIII
Communicated by Ann M. King

Newburgh, 21 April, 1783
Private.

Dear Sir

In answer to your private letter of the
16th I can promise no more than a dis-
position to promote your wishes — & this
if it is in my power, and circumstances
are not opposed to it, will carry me to
the extent of your desire ; but no
Peace establishment is yet adopted nor
do I know upon what terms it will —
whether Continental — State — or any at
all. — Whether the present Troops (who
have part of their term of Service to
perform) with their Officers will be em-
ployed or new Corps raised — in a word
I am at this moment quite in the dark

— consequently cannot speak with deci-
sion to you. —

With great regard, I am — Dr Sir
Yr most obed Servt

Go Washington
Lt Colo Smith

Com'g Dobbs Ferry

CXLIV

Communicated by Winthrop Wetherbee

Newburgh, 21st May, 1783
Dear Sir,

I wrote to you a few days ago for
some Books, &c. — Since then, I have
seen the following Books advertised for
sale by Miles & Hicks at their Printing
office, which I beg the favor of you to
procure, and send to me. —

Charles the 12th of Sweeden

Lewis the 15th 2 vols.

History of the Life & Reign of the

Czar Peter, the Great
Robertsons Histy of America 2 vols.
Voltaires Letters. —

Mildman on Trees 1

Vertols Revolution I If they are in

of Rome 3 Vols. 1 Estimation.
Ditto of Portugal J

If there is a good Booksellers Shop in
the City, I would thank you for sending
me a Catalogue of the Books & their
Prices that I may choose such as I
want.

I am Dr Sir

Yr Most Obed. & affect Servt

Geo Washington
Lt Colo Smith,

in New York

126

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

CXLV

Communicated by W. F. Gardner

Newburgh, June 7th, [i7]83
Sir,

My nephew who will have the honor
of presenting this letter to you has been
in bad health for more than twelve
months — He is advised by his physi-
cians to spend the summer on the Island
of Rhode Island for the benefit of the
sea air and climate.

Any civilities which you may be kind
enough to show him will be thankfully-
acknowledged by

Sir Yr most obt & Hble Servt
Go Washington
[Lt Col Cobb]

CXLVI

Communicated by William Kent.

Headqrs Newburgh July 15th [i7]83
Dear Sir

I have always entertained a great de-
sire to see the northern part of this
State before I returned to the South-
ward. The present irksome interval,
while we are waiting for the definitive
Treaty, affords an opportunity of grati-
fying this inclination.

I have therefore concerted with Gov-
ernor Clinton to make a Tour to recon-
noitre those places where the most re-
markable Posts were established, and
the ground which became famous by
being the theatre of action in 1777. On
our return from thence we propose to
pass across to the Mohawk River in
order to have a view of that country
which is so much celebrated for the fer-
tility of its soil and the beauty of its sit-
uation.

Mr. Dunler, Asst Qr Mr Genl, who
will have the honor of delivering this
Letter, proceeds us to make arrange-
ments, and particularly to have some
light boats provided and transported to
Lake George, that we may not be de-
layed on our arrival there. I pray you,
my dear Sir, to be so good as to advise
Mr. Dunler in what manner to proceed
in this business, to excuse the trouble I
am about to give you, and to be per-
suaded that your kind information and
direction to the bearer, will greatly in-
crease the obligations with which I have
the honor to be
Dr Sr
Yr Most Obed &
Affect. Hbl Ser

Go Washington
The Honble Genl Schuyler

CXLVII
Communicated by Joseph W. Drexel

Albany 4 Aug 1783
Dear George

This Letter will be handed to you by
the Count de Verme, a nobleman from
Italy on his travels through America.
If he should come to the Isld of Rhode
Island you will have pleasure (if your
health will permit) in rendering him every
civility in your power.

I have been on a Tour to the Northern
& Western parts of this state, and am
thus far on my return to Newburgh,
where I shall hope to find a letter from
you indicative of your better health.
I am very affectly
Yrs

Go Washington

t ]

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

12/

CXLVIII

Communicated by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet

Newburgh, 12th Augt 1783
Dear Sir

I have received a call from Congress to
repair to Princeton ; whether for any
special purpose, or generally to remain
there till the definitive Treaty shall ar-
rive, The resolve is not expressive. I
mean therefore, if the intention of that
body is not more fully explained in a
feu* days, to go prepared for the latter
so soon as I can adjust matters here,
and Mrs. Washington's health (for
at present she is exceedingly unwell)
will allow her to undertake the jour-
ney.

As a measure of this kind will remove
me to a distance, and may for a consid-
erable time separate us, and prevent
frequent personal Interviews ; I should
be much obliged to you for intimating
to me— before I go — what will be neces-
sary for me to do respecting our pur-
chase of the Saratoga Springs. I have
money now by me, and shall, at any
time, be ready to answer your call for
this purpose.

As I could wish also to lay myself out
for the other matters we conversed
upon, I should be glad, if at your leizure
you would favor me with a general view
of the plan in contemplation, and of the
agency I am to have in it, that I may
not in the one thing needful be involved
beyond my abilities, or caught unpre-
pared if the purchase is within the com-
pass of my means. I do not take my
leave of you at this time, because I will,
by some means or other, contrive to see
you and Mrs. Clinton before I leave this

place, whether I go for a long or a short
interval. In the meanwhile, with great
truth and sincerity,
I am Dr Sir

Yr most affecte Sevt

Go Washington
His Excelly Governr Clinton

CXLIX

Communicated by Edward E. Sprague
Head Quarters, Newburgh
17th Augt 1783
Dear Sir

This will be delivered to you by Mr.
Mix, Asst Q M Genl, who in the ab-
sence of the Quartr M. Genl is charged
with making provision for the transpor-
tation of the Garrisons and Stores to the
Posts on the Western Waters — he has
instructions to consult with you respect-
ing a contract for so many Batteaux as he
can ensure the means of payment ; he
will also make arrangements for the
transportation across the carrying places
and for supplying such articles as are
of the greatest 'necessity, and may be
required in the first instance from the
Quartr. M Genl's Department.

Majr General Knox will in a few days
forward the ordinance and military stores
to the northward, with a Detachment of
Artillery men and a Compy of Infantry
(which are all the men that can be
spared untillsome Troops which are sent
for shall arrive from Philadelphia) they
will bring with them 1 2 or 1 5 Boats, which
should be got into the Mohawk River
without delay, that in case the Posts
of Oswego and Niagara should be sud -
denly evacuated, a Detachment should be
instantly pushed forward to take posses-
sion of them, before the new Boats could

128

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

be got in readiness ; until that event shall
take place, or untill you shall hear from
the Baron Steuben, these Boats may be
employed in transporting the necessary
apparatus (provisions in particular) to
Fort Schuyler. The before mentioned
Detachments will report themselves to
you and receive your Orders.

I expect the Contractors will in a short
time, send the full supply of provision
which has been required of them, to
Schenectady, but I find it will be expen-
sive and difficult if not impracticable,
for them to forward it from thence with-
out water conveyance and our assistance.
Pray attend to this as a matter of the
first importance, and in general to every-
thing that will tend to expedite the
movement, as soon as the British will
put us in possession of their Fortifica-
tions.

Impressed as you are with the neces-
sity of accelerating these arrangements,
I need add nothing more than that
I am Dear Sir

Your Most Obedient Servant
Go Washington
Colo. Willett.

Communicated by John M. Howe, M. D.
INSTRUCTION FOR CAPT. HOWE

Sir

You will take charge of the Waggons
which contain my baggage, and with the
escort proceed with them to Virginia,
and deliver the baggage at my house,
ten miles below Alexandria.

As you know they contain all my Pa-
pers, which are of immense value to me,
I am sure it is unnecessary to request
your particular attention to them — but

as you will have several ferries to pass,
and some of them wide, particularly
the Susquehannah & Potomack, I must
caution you against crossing them if the
wind should be high, or if there is in
your own Judgement or the opinion of
others the least danger.

The waggons should never be without
a Sentinel over them, always locked,
and the keys in your possession.

You will make such arrangements for
the march with Col. Morgan at this
place and Mr. Hodgsden at Philadel-
phia as may be necessary under all cir-
cumstances, especially with respect to
the expense, failure of horses and break-
ing of waggons.

Your road will be through Philadel-
phia and Wilmington, thence by the
head of Elk to the lower ferry on the
Susquehannah, thence by Baltimore,
Bladensburg, Georgetown and Alexan-
dria to Mount Vernon.

You will enquire of Mr. Hodgsden
and Colonel Biddle if Mrs. Washington
left any thing in their care to be for-
warded by the waggons to Virginia ; if
she did, and you can find room for it,
let it be carried ; if there is not, desire
them to send it by some other good op-
portunity.

The Waggons and Teams, after the
baggage is delivered, is to be surren-
dered to the order of Col. Pickering,
which has I believe been handed to Mr.
Roberts, and is to deliver them to Col.
Fitzgerald to be sold.

The bundle which contains my ac-
counts you will be carefull of, and de-
liver them at the financier's Office with
the Letters addressed to him, that is to
Mr. Morris.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

129

The other small bundle you will de-
liver to Mr. Cottringer in Chesnut Street.

Doctor McHenry's Trunk & parcels
you will (as I suppose he has already
directed) leave at his House in Baltimore.

You will have the tents which are
occupied by the guard delivered to
Col. Morgan, whose receipt for them
will be a voucher for you to the Quarter
Master General.

The remainder of the Guard, under
the care of a good Sergeant, with very
strict orders to prevent every kind of
abuse to the inhabitants on the March,
is to be conducted to their Corps at
West Point.

Given at Rockyhill this
9th day of Nov. 1783.

G. Washington

CLI
Communicated by J. Howard McHenry
Philadelphia, December 10, 1783
Dear Sir,

After seeing the backs of the British
Forces turned upon us, and the Ex-
ecutive of the State of New York
put into the peaceable possession of
their Capitol, I set out for this place —
On Monday next I expect to leave the
City, and by slow traveling arrive at
Baltimore on Wednesday, where I will
spend one day, and then proceed to An-
napolis and get translated into a private
citizen.

I am y'r Aff ect'e

Go Washington

•]

Note. — The foregoing block closes the first
series of Washington letters. A second series,
covering the same period, Colonial and Revolu-
tionary, will be begun in February and continued
in chronological order in the Augu^ following.

WASHINGTON PORTRAITS

LETTERS OF REMBRANDT PEALE
Communicated by J. H. Richardson

I
Reprinted from a newspaper of 1845

New York, December 27, 1834.

Sir — Although "none see the anom-
alies of character more than the biog-
rapher," yet, as a "faithful historian,"
he should not represent them imper-
fectly, or too much tinctured with his
own prejudices. No one more than
myself can appreciate the knowledge
and research displayed in your history
of our arts; but whilst I duly esteem
the value of every sentence with which
you have favorably noticed my father
and myself, you will not take it amiss
if I point out some errors and miscon-
ceptions ; for you cannot respect truth
more than I do, nor more heartily
reprobate any dishonorable or immoral
practice, to which my whole life, I trust,
can testify.

In narrating the anecdote of Wash-
ington sitting to my father in the New
Jersey farm house, I certainly meant to
say that the intelligence he received was
of the surrender of Burgoyne. It could
not be otherwise but by error of the
printer. In your notice of my father's
successive wives, it would have been more
exact to say he had no children by his
third wife, Hannah Moore. The por-
trait of Stuart, which is in the gallery
of the museum in Philadelphia, was be-
gun by my father in one sitting, and
finished by me in two other sittings at
Washington, when Stuart presented a

130

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

somewhat rustic appearance in his grey
coat. It is true that he spoke con-
temptuously of this painting, in opposi-
tion to his children, who highly com-
mended it ; but the picture remains
there to speak for itself, and to express
my respect for his talents. Again, in
speaking of my Washington before
Yorktown, although you were entitled
to form your own estimate of its merit,
so far from its being condemned, its pur-
chase was decreed by the senate for
$4,500, but the bill was not acted on in
the other house for the want of a few
minutes at the close of the session.
My own neglect, and some pride of
feeling, prevented me from renewing
the subject in the succeeding congress.
In the account which I gave to you, as
I sat down deliberately to state when
and where I was born, I could not but
remember the tradition of my old nurse,
that, alarmed by the approach of the
British army, my mother suddenly left
Philadelphia and took lodgings at a
farm house in Bucks county, where I
was born, instead of Philadelphia, as
was intended — a circumstance of lo-
cality to which I never attached any
consequence, and which seldom oc-
curred to my memory, when I have
been called and considered myself a
Philadelphian. Hence the inadvertency
of my error in a hasty newspaper
communication concerning the Roman
Daughter, where I speak of Philadel-
phia as my native city, instead of the
city of my infancy.

But another portion of my biography
is of more importance both to myself
and others, in relation to my portrait of
Washington. When Washington had

given me one sitting (in September, 1795
— not 1794), his second was delayed by
an engagement to sit to Stuart, an
American recently returned from Dub-
lin. This is the first time I had heard
the name of this admirable artist ; but
it certainly was not at his request that
Washington sat on this occasion to me,
during which my father also, at my re-
quest, and close to my elbow, painted a
portrait, in order that I might stand a
better chance of profiting by the oppor-
tunity of possessing a likeness. My
father had previously painted many
originals for several states and individ-
uals, besides numerous copies. Wash-
ington, however, within ten days gave
me two other sittings of three hours
each. At this time we did not know
Stuart, and he certainly did not enter
the painting room, though it is true he
did pass his joke with Mrs. Washington,
as she herself told me, of her husband
being peeled all round.

I have stated that this portrait I took
to Charleston, where I made ten copies
to order. On my return to Philadelphia
in May, 1796, I saw for the first time, in
company with my father and uncle,
Stuart's portrait. We all agreed that
although beautifully painted, and touched
in a masterly style, as a likeness it was
inferior to its merit as a painting — : the
complexion being too fair and florid,
the forehead too flat, eyebrows too
high, eyes too full, nose too broad, about
the mouth too much inflated, and the
neck too long. Such were the criticisms
made by artists and others during the
life time of Washington. This is truth,
and should be matter of history. After
the death of Washington, it was my

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

131

opinion and deep-felt regret that there
existed no portrait which character-
istically recorded the countenance of
that great man. With the hope, there-
fore, of finding something that would
at least gratify my own feelings, I made
many attempts to combine in a separate
picture what I conceived to be the
merits of my father's and my own stud-
ies, and with various success; always
to gratify some willing purchaser, but
never to satisfy myself, till the seven-
teenth trial, which resulted, under ex-
traordinary excitements, in accomplish-
ing the portrait which is now in the
Senate chamber at Washington. These
efforts were solely to gratify my own feel-
ings and admiration of the character of
the great original ; and I had every right
to do so, without reference to any other
artist's claim. Excited by the praise
of Judge Tighlman and Judge Peters, my
painting room, at the corner of Walnut
and Swanwick streets, was crowded with
visitors, most of whom were the friends
or neighbors of Washington — many of
whom were prepossessed in favor of
Stewart's portrait. The almost universal
and flattering approbation of this por-
trait changed my intentions of then
going to Europe, and I determined to
take it to Washington city, and subject
it to another ordeal. There it received
the unqualified approbation of Judge
Washington and Chief Justice Marshall;
and it was there that the latter gentle-
man of his own accord (he lives to
verify my assertion), recommended me
to procure the written testimonials of
Judge Peters and others, as a duty
which they owe to their country, and he
gave the example by writing me the let-

ter which has often been published. It
is therefore incorrect to insinuate that I
wrote a certificate and got gentlemen to
sign it, "thus trifling with the sacred
cause of truth and deceiving mankind."
I have never written or possessed any
certificate, and no paper has been
offered to any gentleman to sign. The
valued testimonials which I possess are
letters written by the gentlemen who
signed them, at their leisure, and in
their own language, and deliberately
addressed to me, repeating opinions
which they had previously given in public
companies. Judge Marshall says of my
portrait, " It is more Washington himself
than any portrait of him I have ever
seen." Judge Washington, that it is
" the most exact representation of the
original I have ever seen." Judge
Peters pronounces it "the only faithful
likeness." Major William Jackson, that
he considered it, "in striking similitude
of features and characteristic expression
of countenance, the best and most faith-
ful portrait of the great Father of his
Country that he had seen," &c. &c.
These letters comprise the names and
record the authority also of Colonel
Howard, General Smith, Bishop White,
Judge Livingston, Charles Carroll, Rufus
King, General Harper, Wm. Rush, Dr.
Thatcher, Colonel McLane, Colonel
Talmadge, Governor Wolcott, Judge
Cranch, &c, all "honorable men" (to
adopt your quotation), and certainly in-
capable of false testimony, and that,
too, in letters of their own writing. It
is probable that the statement in your
first volume relates to the letters of two
senators : Gen. Smith, who says, " I take
pleasure in saying that the portrait you

132

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

have exhibited of General Washington,
is a most accurate likeness of that great
man. I have no hesitation in saying
that it is at least equal to any I have
ever seen, and superior to any except
one." He meant Stuart's. The other
senator was Rufus King, who writes, "I
am not competent to speak of the por-
trait as a specimen of the art ; but to its
fidelity as a likeness I willingly bear
testimony." Every impartial reader
must perceive a needless reiteration of
the mischievous word certificate for a
thing which never existed.

And, finally, as to the manner of ex-
hibiting my portrait of Washington in
the New York Academy. Many persons
wishing to see what kind of head Stuart
had made of Washington, a gentleman
who possessed one, as good as they
usually are, sent it to the room, where it
was temporarily placed near my portrait.
It had 'no frame and was resting on the
floor, where it enjoyed a better light
than mine, or any that could fall on it
if placed higher on the wall.

No one can take precedence of me in
frank and cordial admiration of the
talents of Stuart ; but in regard to these
portraits, I possess a prior and independ-
ent right to judge for myself — and I re-
joice that many good men still live also
to judge of themselves in this matter
from their own knowledge. I lament
that the public must be amused with
the envies, jealousies, and misunder-
standings, of artists, and hope to be
excused, in vindication of my character
and of truth, that I now lay down my
humble pencil to take up the dangerous
pen, too often the slippery instrument of
scandal and error.

With sincere wishes for your health
and happiness.

I remain yours, &c,

Rembrandt Peale.
To William Dunlap, Esq.,

Author of the History of the Rise and
Progress of the Arts of Design in
the United States.

Philada Dec 27th 1845
502 Vine Street
Dr Sir,

The great interest for the Fine Arts
which you manifest in your recent Vol-
umes, induces me to trouble you with
this letter. You have made quotations
from Dunlap's, the only history of the
Arts in America. I had been collecting
matter for such a work when I received
a letter from Mr Dunlap requesting
some contributions. Satisfied that his
industry and opportunities would soon
enable him to accomplish his task, I
relinquished my purpose, & sent him
many interesting narratives & anecdotes.
He made some use of these, but little to
my satisfaction. I can only account for
this by my having the misfortune to
offend him, thus — The National Acad-
emy of Design had elected Mr Vander-
lyn, then in N. York, a member. In ill
health both of body & mind, he un-
necessarily wrote them a letter of non-
acceptance, which was ill received by
the members, & it was moved &
seconded that his name be expunged
from their Books. I chanced to enter
when Mr. Dunlap, in the chair, was
about to put the question. When it was
explained to me, I rose & excused the
nervous excitement of Mr Vanderlyn>

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

*33

and objected to such a record, recom-
mending instead that the Secretary, as
he had prematurely entered the name,
delicately to erase it. Mr Dunlap was
vexed at my interference with his Reso-
lution, which was unanimously negatived.
For this Mr Dunlap never forgave me, &
punished me by the manner he has men-
tioned my Father & me in his work.

In reference to this, I enclose you a
letter I wrote to him, which I delivered
to him personally. He received me
with his usual politeness & promised
that in a Second Edition (which he did
not live to make) he would correct the
objectionable passages. These contribu-
tions were too hastily put together &
made too subservient to his own views
& the sarcasm & gossip of his character
— certainly with too little regard for
the feelings of others.

Dear Sir believe me

Very respectfully yours

Rembrandt Peale
C. Edwards Lester Esq

U. S. Consul at Genoa.

Ill

Philad Jan 4, 1846
Dear Sir

The plan you have proposed appears
to me well calculated to bring our artists
& their works into popular notice, pro-
vided the sketches, of Manuscript &
Pencil, be neatly executed, with truth,
spirit & variety, and accompanied with
such remarks as you properly observe
may be made without prejudice or
favour, beyond your great object. I
am, therefore, disposed to contribute
my share, as the oldest living Artist in

America, by furnishing a Portrait of
myself & such Biographical matter as
may be necessary; but having lived so
long, it will be proper to condense my
narrative into as few pages as you may
allot to each artist. Let me k?ww [how]
many printed pages you may require,
when you will want them, & whether
they are to be given in the language of
the Artists themselves, or if it is your in-
tention to compose each one's Sketch
from the materials sent you — because
this must influence the manner of Com-
position, and there is so much danger in
Egotism. Such a work should be delib-
erately executed, few Artists being lit-
erary and all perhaps, more or less vain,
and partial to self.

I know the advantage of Wood En-
graving, in the process of printing to
render a publication cheap ; but as you
term it, to win their way, these cuts, that
are to picture Artists, should be executed
by the very best talents of the Country —
by Adams & those of his class, because
our wide-spread Annuals have diffused
& established a good taste for such
things, and it would be out of character
to fail in this particular.

I remain Respectfully Yours

Rembrandt Peale
C. Edwards Lester Esq —

P. S. I would recommend you to
read Thatchers' Rhodomontade, a most
romantic & incredible tale of Osgood
the Painter, as an example to be
avoided. It was published some years
ago in a New York Magazine. The
name of the Genius does not occur
till it is given as the last word of the
article.

134

NOTES

v -

Philad March 16, 1846.
Dear Sir

Since I sent you my Biographical
Sketch I have had occasion to make use
of my lines on Peak's Washington, and
have taken the liberty, which as the
author of them I am entitled to, to alter
the structure of them a little. I have
to request that you will do me the fa-
vour to erase the two last stanzas, and
substitute what I send you on the next
page, which I write fairly out, not to
give you any more trouble than to pin
them over the others.

I have changed one important word
in the 3d stanza from my printed copy,
by substituting 'mong, awkward as the
word is, for last, which was not strictly
correct. Stuart's first Portrait was
painted the same time as mine — Wash-
ington giving Stuart his 1st sitting be-
tween my 1st and 2d. From this pic-
ture Stuart made his five copies — one
for Paul Beck, one for Col. Howard,
one for a gentleman at Washington &
2 others." The 2d Portrait which Stuart
painted (that which is in the Atheneum)
was engraved, to be when finished for
Mrs. Washington, at whose earnest re-
quest the general consented to sit a sec-
ond time. The 1st Portrait Stuart sold to
Winstanley, the Landscape Painter, who
took it to England. From the 2d Portrait
painted, I believe in March, 1796, all
Stuart's copies were infrequently made.
I remain respectfully yours,

R. Peale.

P. S. I think you have done well,
instead of Woodcuts to substitute Steel
Engraving.
C. E. Lester, Esq., New York.

After First Stanzas.
A nation's gratitude embalmed his fame,

And every line that faintly marked his form,.
And every voice that whispered but his name,

Instinctively made patriot bosoms warm ;
Yet though his memory lived and widespread,
No Portrait beamed the glory of his head.

At length an artist, 'mong the last to whom
The Hero sat, a great impulse obeyed,

(For faithful memory triumphed o'er the tomb).
And o'er his canvass spreading light and shade,

With full impulsed heart and pencil, one

Proud effort wrought the form of Washington.

You will perceive that I had forgotten
in which verse the word last had been.
My motto is — Let the right be done.

R. P.

NOTES

Washington's entrance into new
york. — The interesting account of this-
event, from an interleaved almanac used
by Lieutenant Governor Van Cortlandt,
was so mangled in the February number
of the Magazine (IV., 157), th t a
reproduction is desirable. Editor.

N. B. — I went from Peekskill Tues-
day the 10 of Novemr, In Company
with his Excellency Gover'r Clinton,
Coll Benson and Coll Campbell, Lodge
that night with Genl Cortlandt at Croton
River, proceeded & lodged Wednesday
night at Edw. Covenhov'n where we
mett his Excellency Genl Washington &
his aids the next Night Lodged with
Mrs. Fred'k V Cortlandt at the Yonkers
after having dined with Genl Lewis
Morris. Fryday morning wee rode In
Company with the Commander In Chief
as far as the widow Day's at harlem,
where we held a Council. Saturday I
rode down to Mr Stuyvesants stay'd

NOTES

135

there untill Tuesday. Then rode Tri-
umphant into the Citty with the Com-
mander. C. E. V. C.
Manor House, Croton Landing.

The bibby family of new york. —
By an error of proof reading, J. A.
S., than whom no one could be better
informed on the subject, was made,
in the recital of an interview between
Colonel Thomas Bibby of the Brit-
ish army — who was aid to the unfortu-
nate General Faser — and Prince William
Henry, to speak of the late Bibby family,
whereas the family is by no means
extinct, and its head, the venerable
Edward N. Bibby, M. D., of Kingsbridge,
is one of our oldest and best known
citizens. His son, Mr. Augustus Van
Cortlandt, is the proprietor of Cortlandt
House, Westchester, where he resides.
This gentleman took the name with the
domain. J. A. S.

A LONG ISLAND SEARCHER. On

Thursday the 23d Day of October, de-
parted this Life at New Lots, in the
Township of Flatbush, in King's County,
Long Island, Elbert Hegeman, Esq., in
the ninety-first Year of his Age. Few
Men ever possessed a more humane,
benevolent and compassionate Heart ;
he was no less remarkable for his Piety
than his Benevolence, and exhibited to
us a remarkable Instance of his Atten-
tion to the divine Laws of his Creator,
having read the Bible through, no less
than Three Hundred and Sixty-five
Times. His Remains were interred at
New Lots the Saturday following. — The
New York Gazette, Nov. 10, 1777.

Petersfield.

The American artillery in 1776.
— Extract from a London paper, giving
an account of the evacuation of Boston,
being the contents of a letter from an
officer of distinction in the British army
to a person in London, dated March 3,
1776:

If Something is not Speedily Done,
his Brittanic Majesty's dominions will
probably be confined within a very
narrow compass. The rebel army is
not brave, I believe, but it is agreed
on all hands, that their artillery officers
are at least equal to our own. In
the number of shells that they flung
last night, not above three failed. This
morning we flung four, and three of
them burst in the air. — The Pennsylvania
Evening Post, Sep. 21, 1776.

West Point.

The heights of weehawken. — New
Jersey affords some of the most pic-
turesque and elevated summits in the
neighborhood of New York city. But
during the two hundred years since New
Netherland has been settled, it does not
appear that any person, civil or military,
has ever attempted, until very lately, to
ascertain their actual heights. On the
5th August, 1 818, the altitude of the
craggy cliff, overhanging the landing of
Wiehock ferry, and the monument
erected on the duelling ground of Ber-
gen county to the memory of Alexander
Hamilton, was ascertained by baromet-
rical measurement. The elevation of
this picturesque spot, worthy of being
celebrated by a Woodworth or a Lincoln,
was found to be one hundred and sev-
enty-five feet above high water mark.

136

NOTES

The rise and fall of the tide is six feet,
directly at its base.

The spirit-level pointed from the
rugged peak of Wiehock to a higher
ridge. This was situated immediately
behind the mansion of Charles Loss,
Esq., at the extremity of the Hoboken
causeway. This was found to be one
hundred and eighty- four feet above high
water mark.

The experiments were made with the
instruments of the New York Philo-
sophical Society, by Captain Alden Part-
ridge, engineer, and Samuel L. Mitchell,
M. D., aided by Dr. Le Baron, P. S.
Townsend, Jacob Dykman, Prof. Cut-
bush of Phila., and Prof. McNeven of
New York University. Capt. Partridge,
whose skill and experience with the
barometer transcends that of any other
person among us, intends to ascertain all
the heights along the Hudson, from New
York city to the mountains. — New York
Gazette, August 10, 18 18. W. K.

The old coevman house at coey-
man's, n. y. — In the month of August,
1879, whilst making what Dibdin or
Pennant would have called an " his-
torical and antiquarian tour " along the
shores of the upper Hudson, I made a
visit to the village of Coeyman's. It is a
mere hamlet, lying on the west bank of
the river, thirteen miles below Albany,
and from its secluded situation seldom
visited by the tide of summer travel on
the Hudson. Coming into the place at
nightfall, at the upper end of the vil-
lage, over a bridge crossing a rocky
ravine, known as Coeyman's Creek, we
saw, perched on the very edge of the
steep bank of the chasm, near to where

the waters of the creek empty by a suc-
cession of falls into the Hudson, the
old house or "■ Castle " of the Coey-
mans, the family from whom the place
is named.

Barent Pieterse Coeyman (or Koey-
mans) emigrated from Utrecht, Hol-
land, to this country in 1636, and en-
gaged himself as a miller to the first
Patroon of Rensserlaerwyck. He after-
wards purchased of the Catskill Indians
a tract of land, ten or twelve miles long,
on the Hudson. This caused a pro-
longed litigation between him and the
Patroon, which was decided in favor of
Coeyman, and in 17 14 Queen Anne by
patent confirmed his descendants in their
possession.

Barent Pieterse Coeyman had five
children, two of whom only remained
at Coeyman's, the others settling in va-
rious parts of the country. The two
who remained were Peter and his sister
Ariaantje. Peter married twice, but
left no male descendants, and with his
death the name became extinct in the
locality. Ariaantje lived unmarried to
the age of forty-seven, when she married
David Verplanck,and died without issue.

The original house (or Castle, as it was
called) of the first settler stood, accord-
ing to the Coeyman's Gazette, on the
site of the building in the village " now
occupied by the family of the late Jo-
siah Sherman," but has been gone for a
great number of years. The old stone
house now standing on the north bank
of the creek, to which reference has
been made, was built by Ariaantje Coey-
man some time in the early part of the
last century.,

Strange stories were long current

NOTES

137

amongst the country people concerning
this ancient house. A tradition went that
Ariaantje Coeyman built the house her-
self, literally carrying the rough un-
hewn stones with her own hands, and
that her portrait, which formerly hung
in one of the rooms of the house, rep-
resented her with bloody fingers, the
tips of which were worn into sharp
points by handling the huge blocks of
stone. Of course she was supposed to
haunt the house ; whoever slept in the
room where her picture hung would be
spoken to by the portrait. It was even
said that one unlucky wight, sleeping
perhaps sounder than he should have
done in a haunted room, had the cords
of the bedstead on which he lay cut,
and received a heavy fall on the floor.

A small wood-cut before me, repre-
senting Ariaantje Coeyman (she is hold-
ing a rose in her left hand), is given as
" from the portrait in possession of Ba-
rent Ten Eyck."

One branch of the family settled at
Somerville, New Jersey, and built a
house about the year 1736. An account
of this house, which is still standing, ap-
peared in a Philadelphia periodical in
April, 1877, and also in the Elizabeth
Daily Journal for December 8th, 1874.
The name has died out in New Jersey,
as well as on the Hudson. The line of
the former branch seems to have ended
with Andrew Coeyman, who died in 1804.
On the slope of the Raritan river u he
sleeps, with three generations before him,
him, the last of his race in Somerville."
Charles A. Campbell.

pers during the last civil war deserved
precedence for their sensational news-
paper headings, until I met with the
following in The New York Gazette and
the Weekly Mercury, printed at New
York, October 20th, 1777, by Hugh
Gaine :

"Glorious News from the South-
ward — Washington Knock'd
Up — The Bloodiest Battle in
America — 6,000 of his Men
Gone — 100 Waggons to carry
the Wounded — General Howe
is at Present at Germantown
— Washington 30 Miles Back in
a Shattered Condition — Their
Stoutest Frigate Taken and
one Deserted — They are Tired
— and Talk of Finishing the
Campaign."

The Tory Typo must have been ex-
hausted by this effort to glorify Ger-
mantown, for when the news reached
the city of the British army to the north-
ward having been Burgoyned, he could
not set up one line of caps to catch the
eyes of his subscribers.

Petersfield.

Sensational newspaper headings.
— I always supposed that the newspa-

Burgoyned. — This apt expression,
which has passed current during our
Centennial jubilations, seems to have
originated with General Gates. Lieut.
Marquois, of the Royal Artillery, who
was severely wounded at Camden, writing
to his father August 18, 1780, in describ-
ing the movements of Gates' army, used
this sentence, " With these troops he in-
tended to have Burgoyned us, according
to his own term."

Petersfield.

138

NOTES

Paulus hook. — When I prepared my
paper on the Surprise and Capture of
Paulus Hook by Major Lee in 1779, I
was not aware of the existence of the
following letter. The copy I send you
is from the original in the collection of
Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D., of New
York City. This letter seems to have
been the first official act of President
Huntington, and accompanied the reso-
lutions of Congress.

Philadelphia, Septr 28th, 1779.
Sir.

I enclose you an Act of Congress of
24th Instant, and am happy in the first
exercise of the important Trust with
which Congress has been pleased to
honor me to have the opportunity of
communicating to you the Thanks of
Congress for the judicious Measures
taken by you to forward the Enterprize
against Powles Hook, & to secure the
Retreat of the Party.

I must beg leave to inform you that
Congress entertains a just sense of the
Merit of the Officers and Soldiers em-
ployed on that Occasion, as well as of the
Army in general, and that the important
Business in which they have been en-
gaged prevented an earlier attention to
that brilliant Action.

I am Sir your Hble Servt.

Saml Huntington, President
Major Genl Lord Stirling.

Jersey City. C. H. Winfield.

I The breeches panegyric. — The
Provincial typo who set up for the Con-
necticut Gazette, of August 25, 1780, a
long and moving eulogy on the virtues
of the deceased Hon. Titus Hosmer,
played havoc with the pathetic. He

committed the same blunder that gave
a distinctive name to an edition of the
Bible.

The following is the passage : " The
public and private losses occasioned by
the death of Mr, Hosmer are very
remarkable. What wide a?id awful
breeches are ?nade / How many tender
ties of relation and friendship broken !
In the midst of life and usefulness, and
prospects opening and encreasing —
But he is gone — the gentleman, the
scholar, the friend, the senator, the
patriot, the judge, the benefactor alas !
is no more. The will of God is done,
and his work is perfect. Survivors have
nothing to do but to worship and adore. "
Petersfield.

British plundering. — Cornwallis's
men are so very mean, as to rob the poor
prisoners of the supply of provisions sent
in by the flag to Brunswick by their
friends. Two gentlemen prisoners there,
had part of an ox and a few turkeys sent
in, which were all taken away ; they
begged that the General would be pleased
to spare them as much of the ox as would
make them a dinner, but were denied it.
— Connecticut Gazette, Feb. 28, 1777.

Iulus.

An interesting relic. — Mr. John
Austin Stevens has recently deposited
in the Museum of the New York Histo-
rical Society, a lock of hair cut from the
head of the venerable Colonel Trumbull
by his friend, Col. William L. Stone.
This relic, with the envelope containing
it, in the handwriting of Col. Stone, was
placed in the hands of Mr. Stevens by
Mr. W. L. Stone, his son. Editor.

QUERIES

139

QUERIES

Curious Hebrew relic. — Can any of
your readers give any information con-
cerning this curious statement, clipped
from the Eastern Chronicle of Pictou,
N. S., March 12, 1852 ?

" By the politeness of Col. Lea, com-
missioner of Indian Affairs, we have
been shown a curiosity of great rarity
and interest, left for a few days at the
Bureau. It was brought from the Potta-
watomie Reservation on the Kansas
river by Dr. Lykins, who has been
residing there nearly twenty years of the
thirty he has spent on the frontier. It
consists of four small rolls or strips of
parchment closely packed in the small
compartments of a little box or locket of
about an inch cubical contents. On
these parchments are written in a style
of unsurpassed excellence, and far more
beautiful than print, portions of the
Pentateuch, to be worn as frontlets, and
intended as stimulants to the memory
and moral sense.

Dr. Lykins obtained it from Pategwe,
a Pottawatomie, who got it from his
grandmother, a very old woman. It has
been in this particular family about
fifty years. They had originally two of
them, but on one occasion, as the party
in possession were crossing a rapid in
some river in the lake country of the
north, the other was irrecoverably lost.
The one lost was believed by the
Indians to contain an account of the
creation of the world. That brought by
Dr. Lykins has been kept for a very
long period in the medicine bag of the
tribe, used as a charm, and never allowed
to suffer any exposure, until, by using

entreaty and the great influence he had
with Topinepee, the principal Potta-
watomie chief, he was permitted to
bring it on to Washington, but under a
firm pledge to restore it on his return.
It has hitherto been kept from the rapa-
cious vision of the white man. Pategwe
had it in his possession many years
before his curiosity tempted him to cut
the stitches of its cover and disclose the
contents. But this coming to the knowl-
edge of old Billy Caldwell, chief of the
Council Bluff branch of the tribe, he
strenuously advised Pategwe to shut it
up and keep it close, and say nothing
about it. Dr. Lykins came to a knowl-
edge of the circumstance of its pos-
session from a half-breed.

The wonder is, how this singular
article came into their possession.
When asked how long they can trace
back its history, they reply they cannot
tell the time when they had it not. The
question occurs here, does not this cir-
cumstance give some color to the idea
long and extensively entertained, that
the Indians of our continent are more or
less Jewish in their origin ? — Nat. Intel-
ligencer.

New York. Iulus.

Washington's entrance into new
york, 1783. — In the Anthon Collection
sold at auction in New York a few years
since, was a letter from Lt, Col. William
Hull, who commanded the Light In-
fantry which escorted Washington into
the city of New York the 25th of No-
vember, 1783, describing the event.
Can any of your readers inform me
what has become of the letter ?

H. P. J.

140

QUERIES

Pacific medals. — The following de-
scription of some curious medals for use
in the Pacific trade appeared in the
newspapers of September, 1787: "Sil-
ver and Copper medals we are told are
striking off, to be carried by Capt. Ken-
drick, of Boston, bound to the Pacifick
Ocean, to be distributed among the na-
tives of the Indian Isles — On one side
are represented a ship and sloop under
full sail, with the words, Columbia and
Washington, commatided by J. Ken-
drick; on the reverse the following:
Fitted out at Boston, North- Ainerica, for
the Pacific Ocean by, encircling the
names of J. Bar ell, S. Brown, C. Bul-
finch, J. Derby, C. Hatch, J. M. Pin-
tard, 1787."

The Boston News of October 4th
states that " Sunday last (Sept. 30)
sailed from this port the ship Columbia
and sloop Washington, commanded by
Capt. J. Kendrick and Capt. R. Gray,
on an enterprizing voyage to Kam-
schatka, on the western part of this
continent. The object of this voyage
is to open an intercourse between these
States and the natives of that western
country, by trading with them for furs,
of which commodity, it is said, that
country abounds. The greatest com-
mercial advantages are expected to be
derived from this intercourse."

As the Columbia River was discov-
ered by this expedition, and received its
name from the ship mentioned above,
and as Captain John Kendrick was, it is
claimed, the first American commander
who circumnavigated the globe, these
medals have a historical importance.
Have any specimens been preserved by
our collectors ? W. K.

Moon cursers. — While turning over
a Boston newspaper of 1778, under date
of September 17th, I met the following :
" By express on Sunday last, we learn
that Lord Howe's moon cursers are
plundering all along the Sound, and that
last week they took four vessels out of
Holmes's hole, and destroy'd one other."

Can any reader inform me as to the
origin of this appellation, and how it
became attached to the British expedi-
tion under General Gray?

Beacon Street.

Bussey or bussie. — Can any of your
readers inform me concerning an officer
of this name who was in command of
Indian troops during the Revolution ?
He was a French Canadian, one of six
brothers. It is suggested to me that
he may have been in Hazen's regiment
which was made up of Canadian troops
and perhaps had Indians among them —
only the Canadian Indians and those of
the Stockbridge tribe were friendly to
the American cause. Where may I find
a roster of Hazen's command ?

Pater son, N. J. G. G. H.

Washington's informants; — Major
Tallmadge, of the Dragoons, arranged
for the obtaining of information concern-
ing the British army and plans from
persons within the city of New York.
One of these, the most important, is
invariably designated in the correspond-
ence as Mr. C. A few days since a letter
of Washington was shown me making a
reference to Mr. C. and Mr. C. Jr.
Perhaps the addition may help to solve
the mystery. Who were the Cs ?

J. A. S.

QUERIES

141

Washington's inauguration. — I
was informed when a youth that Wash-
ington was inaugurated in the old Fed-
eral edifice where the United States Sub-
Treasury building now stands, and it is
here that the merchants of New York
propose to erect a monument to com-
memorate the event. To my astonish-
ment, I find in the last volume of Proceed-
ings of the Massachusetts Historical So-
ciety on page 134, that our first President
was inaugurated in the " old Walter
Franklin House," on Franklin Square.
Will some Boston correspondent be
good enough to ascertain the authority
for this statement, that the absurdity
of putting up a monument in the wrong
place may be avoided ?

Broad Street.

First fire company in America. —
In his autobiography Franklin claims
that a paper he read in Junto gave rise
to the formation of " a company for the
more ready extinguishing of fires and
mutual assistance in removing and se-
curing of goods when in danger." This
was in the year 1737. Was this the
first American fire company ?

Engine.

Medallion of franklin. — I have
in my possession a profile medal-
lion of Benjamin Franklin, made of red
clay, and bearing the date 1777. In a
sketch of Mme. Anna Vallayer Coster,
written by Mr. Benson J. Lossing, for
the Harper's Mag. (426. vol.), he says :
"In the winter of 1777 Mile. Vallayer
accompanied Beaumarchais to Passy to
visit Dr. Franklin. * * * Not long
afterwards she sketched that profile of

him with the fur cap on his head, which
is seen on the rare medals of the red
clay of Passy, which Franklin's host
caused to be struck in his honour." I
have been told that these medals were
made at Fontainbleau. Have you any
information on this subject ?

C. E. V. C.

The franklin stove. — In the Auto-
biography of Franklin, published by Mr,
Bigelow in his life of Franklin by him-
self, notice is made of "an account of
the New Invented Pennsylvania Fire-
places," etc, in a note to which the
query is suggested as to whether this
stove was invented by Franklin. Cannot
this question be settled ?

Market Street.

James rivington. — Is there any au-
thority for the statement that Rivington,
the Tory printer in New York, was
really a patriot, and in the confidence
and pay of Washington^ and his constant
informant as to British plans ? And is
the tradition true that the first visit that
Washington paid on his entrance into
the city at the evacuation was to the
Tory printer ? J. A. S.

The sect of devilism. — In Riving-
ton's Royal Gazette, April 26, 1780,
there appears an advertisement, "A
Discourse upon Devilism, showing the
analogy between the antient and mod-
ern Members of that Sect, delivered
May 25, 1779, by a Friend to his Coun-
try." This discourse was published for
James Rivington. What was this sect,
and who delivered the discourse ?

C. H. W.

i 4 -

REPLIES

The royal American gazette. —
Information is desired as to the present
possessor of a file of Alexander Robert-
son's paper entitled The Royal Ameri-
can Cazette, printed at New York dur-
ing the war. The file it is believed was
once the property o\ Mr. McCoy of
Brooklyn, and is supposed to be in the
Western States. Typo.

Thi EXECUTION OF MAJOR ANDRtf. —
Roads, in his late History of Marble-
head, p. 171, says, "that on the 2d Octo-
ber, when the execution took place,
General Glover was Officer of the Day.

and was deeply affected by the scene."
Every new account seems to bring out a
different person, as " Officer of the Day "
on this occasion. Cannot some oi Your
correspondents set this matter right ?
Where is the General Order Book?
Englewood,

The blub BELL iayerx near kings-
&RIDGK, — In the Newark news published
in the rennslyvania Evening Post for
October I, 1770, is an account of the
skirmish on Harlem Heights engage-
ment on the 16th September, which gives
the name of the tavern as the _ :;
and a learned antiquary informs me that
ime, Cannot this
point be established by some ti
document? The building is now down,
but the name survives, and we may as
well have it right.

New York.

Hamilton's regiment. — (IV., 15-

W ill Mr. Howe kindly give the par-
ticulars in I to a regiment com-
manded bv CoL Hamilton, in which

Major Howe was a picked man ? Was
it in the State or Continental line ;
Infantry or Artillery ? And at what time
did Alexander Hamilton command it ?
Adjutant U. S. A.

REPLIES

Lord edward fitzgerald. — (V.,
42.) Lord Edward Fitzgerald, fifth
son of the Duke of Leinster and Emilia
Mary, daughter of the Duke of Rich-
mond, born in Ireland 1763, entered
the British army in 17S1, and served
under Lord Rawdon at Charleston, S.
C. Severely wounded at the battle of
Eutaw Springs, his life was saved by a
negro who carried him to his hut,
tended him until he was able to return
to Charleston, and remained his devoted
servant through his life. In 1783 he
returned to England, and in 17SS again
came to America with his regiment. In
March, 17S9, attended only by his faith-
ful negro servant, and accompanied by
an officer, Mr. Brisbane, he traversed 175
miles through the wilderness from Fred-
erickstown to Quebec, for thirty days,
through a country deemed impassable.
At Quebec he obtained leave of absence
to visit Lake Superior, and go down the
Ohio and Mississippi to Xew Orleans.

Letter ROM Lord Edward Fitzgerald to
the Duchess of Leinsier.

For: Erie, June 1. i~^
.her,
I have just come from the Falls of Niagara.
To describe them is impossible. I stayed three
days, & was absolutely obliged to tear
.-.A..Y il last — As I said before, to describe
them is impossible. — Homer could not in writ-
ing, nor Claude Lorraine in painting, your own

REPLIES

143

imagination must do it. — The immense height,
& noise of the Falls, the spray that rises to the
clouds, in short it formed altogether a scene that
is well worth coming from Europe to see. —
Then the tranquility of all around, & the quiet
of the immense forests, compared with the vio-
lence of all that is close to the Falls, but I will
not go on, for I should never end. I set out to-
morrow for Detroit, with one of the Indian
Chiefs, — Joseph Brant, who was in England. —
I think often of you all in these wild woods. If I
could carry my dearest mother with me, I should
be completely happy here. * * * — Life of Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, by Thomas Moore, L., 44.

Lord Edward Fitzgerald descended
the Ohio and Mississippi, and reached
New Orleans December, 1789, and
from thence returned to England. The
avowal of republican opinions acquired
during his visit to America offended his
uncle, the Duke of Richmond; he was
dismissed from the army, and as a mem-
ber of the Irish Parliament, continued
in opposition to Government. In 1792,
he went to France, fraternized with the
Democratic leaders, and married the
beautiful Pamela, the daughter of Mme.
de Genlis. He returned to Ireland, his
family became fondly attached to his
wife, and lived several years, engaged
in rural pursuits, very happily. But
joining a party of the United Irishmen,
he headed an armed rebellion against
the British Government, aided by agents
of the French Directory. Their plans
were betrayed, and, wounded when re-
sisting an arrest for high treason, he
died in prison, at the age of thirty-five
years, June, 1798. His talents and
many high qualities were neutralized by
his impetuosity and imprudence.

He caused misery to his affection-
ate relations, and failed to serve his
country. E. S. Q.

First national salute to the
flag. — (IV., 312, 462.) The London
Chronicle for March 19, 21, 1778, says,
" Accounts from Nantz, dated March 8
(just after the salute to Jones' flag), say
that two days before an affray happened
between some English and American
sailors, in which three men were killed
and several wounded." Also, " The
populace were so irritated against the
English that for some time past they
had been insulted in the streets. And
that an American adventurer had taken
a tavern near the dock, and put up for
his sign the ' thirteen stripes,' in conse-
quence of which his house was greatly
frequented by all ranks and people."

G. H. P.

Salutation tavern. — (IV., 224.)
S. A. Drake, in his " Old Landmarks of
Boston," states that the Salutation Tav-
ern was on the corner of Salutation
Street and North Street. The tavern
was the rendezvous of the North End
Caucus in Revolutionary times. — Mass.
Historical Society Collections, VI., 154.

J. A. S.

First American matrimonial ad-
vertisement. — (IV., 456). I have met
with a matrimonial advertisement five
years earlier than my previous note. It
appeared in Rivington's Royal Gazette,
printed at New York* city, January 31,
1778, and is as follows :

A Gentleman of an easy, genteel for-
tune, wishes to meet with a lady of about
23, 24, or 25 years of age, with whom he
would form an honourable connection,
and flatters himself if she meets with his
approbation, that it will be in his power

144

REPLIES

to make < her very happy, as he is actu-
ated by the nicest motives of honour.
Mutual felicity being the principles on
which he acts and causes this mode of
application, which he is induced to make
use of, being an absolute stranger to the
ladies of this place.

The greatest delicacy, honour, and
inviolable secrecy shall be observed to
such lady who may be inclined to answer
this advertisement. Letters directed
for S. G., to be left in the care of
Mr. Rivington, the printer, shall be duly
attended to. Petersfield.

ROGERENES. (IV., 64, 227, 313.) Ill

answer to Petersfield, see Life and Trav-
els of Samuel Bonnas (Bownas) Quaker,
London, 1756 ; Phila., 1759; pages 95,
102, 113, 186-189. This gives an account
of an interview of 6 days in prison on
Long Island in 1702-3, between Samuel
Bownas, a Quaker preacher, and John
Rogers of New London, and is very
interesting ; also in Friend's Library, by
Wra. Allen, vol. 12. Also, see William
Edmundson's Journal (Quaker), Lon-
don, 1 7 15, page 90-91 ; London, 1774,
p. 103-4; or Dublin, 1820, page 1 1 5-1 16.
There have been several other editions of
these books, and they are also reprinted
in the Friend's Library, Vol. 3, edited
by Thos. Evans, Phila., 1837-8; also in
Wm. Allen's Friend's Library, Vol. 4,
1853-7. Rogers was not a Quaker.
Camden, N. J. M. L. H.

A WASHINGTON RELIC. (IV., 224,

394). The inscription should read
Scanandoa, not Shenandoah, as printed
by the Boston Traveller. This famous
chief, known as " the white man's

friend," was personally known to Wash-
ington. He paid the commander-in-
chief a visit while he was encamped at
Morristown in 1777. After the war the
Government recognized the services^
rendered by the Oneidas, and on more
than one occasion voted them a return.
In 1794 the chiefs were personally
rewarded. There is nothing improbable
in the story of the* presentation by
Washington ; the date may have been
erroneously copied, as well as the name.
Your correspondent at Manlius should
make a further examination. The editors
of small local newspapers have been
celebrated for their lack of information.
Dig out the DeBois or DuBois who
owned the box, and do not charge it as
a trick of the " Boston sharpers."

Beacon Street.

Fort independence. — (IV., 455). A
letter from an officer at Phillips' Manor,
dated February 6, 1777, says, " Since
our arrival here, have been in sight of
the enemy every day at Kingsbridge,
and at Fort Independence. At our first
coming down, we encamped about half
a mile from the fort in the open field,
for five days, but were then obliged to
move back, on account of a heavy snow
storm, and have, since our first coming
here, had several small skirmishes with
the enemy, but we have not lost a single
man out of our regiment. Our regi-
ments are now on this side fort Inde-
pendence, and two regiments on the
other side. This fort is about half a
mile from Kingsbridge and York side.
We have lately been over within half a
mile of the fort, with two field pieces,
&c, but could not persuade the enemy

REPLIES

to come out and fight us. They have
got almost all their troops out of York,
on their lines and in the three forts, to
prevent our going into the city ; for the
morning we got down here we threw
them into great confusion, and we took
a considerable quantity of their baggage,
and we now possess their advance guard
houses. General Putnam has taken 96
waggons with provisions which were
going to Howe's army ; and the latter
has sent a flag to General Washington
desiring a cessation of arms till April,
but our brave General returned for
answer that he should accomplish his
design, and then there should be a final
one." — Connecticut Gazette •, Feb. 21, 1777.

Iulus.

— (IV., 455.) The fort of that name
commanded the Hudson River, and
stood about half a mile to the north of
Spuyten Duyvel Creek, on the ridge
marked on the map as Tetard's Hill.
Twenty years ago the fortification was
in excellent preservation ; much of the
grass grown embankment perfect, the
fosse well defined and deep. To the
northeast and eastward, along the brow
of the hill sloping down to Tibbits or
Mosholu brook, a long line of earth-
works might be traced. The situation
was admirably adapted to protect a large
force, or to resist attack; to the west
and south, steep broken ground to the
Hudson and Spuyten Duyvel Rivers;
to the east, at the foot of a sharp de-
cline, a salt marsh, through which Tib-
bit's brook found its zigzag way. As
a defense to New York, the defenders
controlling the rivers with their vessels
and the opposite hills on New York

Island with their armies, the fort was of
little moment, and was hence early aban-
doned by the British.

Above Kingsbridge, westerly of the
highway, commanding its northerly ap-
proaches, stood Fort Charles, still partly
traceable. To the northeast of the
bridge, about half mile distant, was a
fort, to which local tradition assigns no
name, but which is incorrectly marked
on the map as Fort Independence.

A house now stands on the summit of
Fort Independence ; in preparing to
build cannon balls and musket balls,
old bayonets, etc., were found, and as far
north as Fieldston mementoes of British
occupation are occasionally exhumed.

At another point the relics are of more
moment. Here about 1856 some young
men unearthed several cannon ; the
most serviceable was mounted, and for
several years did duty on the Fourth of
July; then borrowed by the people of
Mount Vernon, the piece was loaded to
the muzzle, and when fired exploded,
killing and wounding several persons. A
house has since been erected upon the
site of the fort. In preparing to build
and laying out the grounds, the writer is
informed by the owner of the property,
that fourteen cannon were found and a
large quantity of rusted arms, shot and
shell. Many graves were also disturbed.
Metal plates, from which the shoulder
and waist bands had rotted away, bore
evidence to the regiment to which the
dead owners had belonged. All of these
relics, with the exception of two can-
non, disappeared from a cellar in which
they were stored, during the owner's
absence in Europe.

Fieldston. M. L. D.

146

REPLIES

— (IV., 455). Your correspondent W.
H. is in error in regard to the situation
of Fort Independence. It was not at
Spuyten Devil Creek, but near two miles
to the eastward of Kings Bridge. His
statement as to the profusion of blood
lost by the Dyckmans in the vicinity is
questionable. Mosholu.

Andre's grave at tappan (V., 57).
— I am rather surprised to notice in the
communication of your well-known con-
tributor a positive assertion that Andre
was buried at Tappan. If he had closely
followed the lively discussion to which
he refers, he would have seen that there
is no evidence that Andre was buried at
or near the spot of his execution, nor is
Miss Seward's Monody any authority for
such a statement, nor yet the testi-
mony of Timothy Bigelow, who saw the
grave in 1815, of any additional value
in this regard. It is not denied that a
grave was dug for Andre, but it is not
proved that he was put into it.

New York.

Sir henry clinton and the west
point works. — (V.., 32). Mr. Camp-
bell, in his note to his article on the
Joshua Hett Smith House at Haver-
straw, calls attention to the passage in
Sir Henry Clinton's account of the Andre
affair, in which he speaks of his acquaint-
ance with the ground on which the
defences of West Point were built — and
appears to consider it a mysterious cir-
cumstance. It is easily explained by
the fact that Sir Henry Clinton was in
early life appointed by his father,
Admiral George Clinton, Governor
of New York, Captain- Lieutenant in

one of the New York companies which
served in the old French war. As the
line of the Hudson was the thorough-
fare, and the slow sailing sloops the
usual mode of conveyance, he had am-
ple opportunities to familiarize himself
with the beauties of the Highlands.
Petersfield.

New YORK in the continental con-
gress (V., 62). — Mr. Burdge, in his note
on Paine's Common Sense, is in error in
his statement that Henry Wisner, New
York delegate in the Continental Con-
gress, voted for the declaration of Inde-
pendence in opposition to the instructions
of his State and the example of all his
colleagues. This ground was thoroughly
gone over by the writer in a paper pub-
ished in the Galaxy for August, 1876,
entitled " New York in the Continental
Congress." Here it was shown that
New York had given no instructions
whatever with regard to a vote for inde-
pendence, but that the delegates were
excused voting for want of instructions.
The fact was that a Convention had
been elected in New York with a view
to determine this very question and was
about to sit when Independence was
declared. The first day of its session
the news was received and the declara-
tion unanimously ratified. A similar
explanation of the abstention of the New
York delegates from voting may be found
in the writer's biographical sketch of
John Alsop, printed in. the Magazine of
American History [I., 226]. If Mr.
Wisner voted at all, which the Journals
of Congress do not show, he voted
without instructions and not in opposition
to them. J. A. S.

LITERARY NOTICES

( Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station I) — N. Y. Post Office.)

THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Written by Himself. Now first edited from
Original Manuscripts and from his Printed
Correspondence and other Writings. By
John Bigelow. Second edition, revised
and corrected. 3 vols., i2mo. J. B. Lippin-
COTT & Co. Philadelphia, 1S79.

In the historical sketch prefixed to the edition
of 1S72. which was itself a revision of that pub-
lished in 186S, Mr. Bigelow gave an account of
the " Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Auto-
graph Manuscript of Franklin's Memoirs of
his own Life." These celebrated memoirs were
prepared at the instance of one of his French
friends, M. Le Veillard, the Mayor of Passy, to
whom Franklin presented in 1789 a copy of all
that was then finished. At Franklin's death the
original of the manuscripts passed with his
other papers into the hands of a grandson,
William Temple Franklin, who engaged to pre-
pare an edition of the life and writings of his
grandfather for a publishing house in London.
For the convenience of the printers the copy
given to Le Veillard was exchanged for the
original autograph. From the Le Veillard
family it was obtained by Mr. Bigelow, then
Minister to France in 1867. A careful collation
of the London edition of 1817 with the original
manuscripts, showed that more than twelve
hundred changes had been made in the text,
and eight pages, the last in the manuscript,
entirely omitted. Specimens of these altera-
tions, the greater number of which, as Mr.
Bigelow says, Franklin himself would have
rejected without ceremony, are given in the
sketch. A second chapter by the editor de-
scribes the manner and periods at which the
biography was prepared. The first portion,
containing the first twenty-five years of his life,
was written in 1771 at Twyford, the country
seat of Dr. Shipley, then Bishop of St. Asaph's.
The memoir was resumed in 17S4, again
dropped, and finally continued in 1788. The
work was first presented to the world in a
French translation in 1791. The singular con-
duct of William Temple Franklin in connection
with this paper is carefully considered by Mr.
Bigelow.

A third chapter describes the autograph, with
its peculiar and characteristic features ; the
clear, distinct hand writing, perfectly legible
through abundant interlineations and erasures,
and each of the 220 pages with a margin of half
the width of the page. To this branch of his
work Mr. Bigelow has brought his fine critical
taste, and the entire biographical sketch is an

interesting addition to the curiosities of litera-
ture. And while on this branch of the subject
attention should be called to the Bibliography
proper, which closes the last volume, in the
compilation of which all known authorities
have been consulted. Mr. Bigelow prints one
hundred and sixty-five titles.

The great merit of these volumes is that they
for the first time present, in a consecutive form,
Franklin's own account of his life, and that
they are within the reach of the ordinary purse.

In his preface to the present edition, Mr.
Bigelow notices the strange silence with regard
to Franklin which until recently has been
persistently maintained by the British press.
The Edinburgh Review in 1806 sharply crit-
icised the three volume London edition of
that year. In the December number (Mag-
azine of American History, III., 770) attention
was invited to an admirable review of Mr. Bige-
low's work by Thomas Hughes in the Contem-
porary Review for July, 1879, in which the rea-
sons were given for the indifference to Franklin
in the British world of letters. The April num-
ber (1880) of the Edinburgh Review contains a
thorough review of Mr. Bigelow's book and the
latest English analysis of the character of Frank-
lin, whom in the first paragraph it joins with
Washington, styling these two men the "joint
authors of the Republic." " In France," says
the Edinburgh Review, " Franklin accomplished
as much against England as Washington with
all his victories." Noticing Mr. Bigelow's hint
that Franklin's grandson was bribed to postpone
the publication of the Memoirs, the Edinburgh
allows that he has established a strong presump-
tion of wrong, and gives the highest commenda-
tion to the self-abnegation, in which Mr. Bige-
low has performed his duty as editor. Of Frank-
lin's autobiography itself, it says that " it is one
of mankind's greatest literary possessions."
Here, indeed, the neglect of a century is re-
deemed in a fulness of praise.

The final chapter of the Autobiography prop-
er, written the last year of Franklin's life, un-
accountably left out of William Temple Frank-
lin's publication and that of his successors, and
first printed by Mr. Bigelow, is justly described
as one of the most valuable in the book. It
describes an interview with Lord Granville, in
which the perverse nobleman endeavored in
1772 to instruct Franklin as to the nature of the
American constitution. His views were to the
simple effect that the king's instructions to his
governors, from the fact that they were drawn by
learned judges, considered in council, and signed
by the King, became, as far as they related to
the Colonists, the law of the land, for the King

148

LITERARY NOTICES

is the Legislator of the Colonies. The italics
are Franklin's own. Franklin could not stom-
ach such a broad assertion, and took pains to
note the conversation on his return to his lodg-
ings, as new in principle and fraught with danger
to American liberties. The chapter contains also
notes upon an interview with Lord Mansfield on
the act taxing proprietary estates. The general
reader will not find much entertainment in the
long negotiations which preceded the outbreak
of hostilities, but, better than any historic record
of the period, they show in sharp outlines the
political systems which confronted each other —
English Subservience and American Independ-
ence. This branch of the subject is too well
known to need more than passing comment.

In the Magazine for January, 1879 (HI., 39),
the reader will find a curious correspondence
between John Quincy Adams and Judge William
Jay concerning Franklin. In an appendix to
the second volume of Mr. Bigelow's edition
there appears a letter of John Adams, written in
1S06, in which the bitter old gentleman takes
strong ground against both Washington and
Franklin, whose merits were not, in his eyes, to
be compared with those of half a dozen other of
the Colonial statesmen whom he names ; but the
judgment of mankind, which is the only final
solvent of reputations, is in accord with that
already quoted from the pages of the Edinburgh
Review.

AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. MEMOIRS OF

Incidents connected with the Origin and
Culmination of the Rebellion that Threatened
the Existence of the National Government.
From writings on the subject (printed for
private use). By John Cochrane, General
of U. S. Volunteers. Collated by Henry
O'Reilly. 8vo, pp. 58. Rogers & Sher-
wood. New York, 1879.

ARMING THE SLAVES IN THE WAR
for the Union. Scenes, Speeches and
Events attending it. With introductory re-
marks. By Henry O'Reilly. 8vo, pp. 12.
Rogers & Sherwood. New York, 1879.
The indefatigable labors of Mr. O'Reilly in
numerous fields of enterprise and intellectual
effort are well known ; and his deposit of mate-
rial collected, arranged and collated by him in
the New York Historical Society Library, is of
great value, and serves to control many disputed
points in the history of the development of the
country, and particularly in that of the civil
war. In the present pamphlets he gives the best
account of the distinguished services in the
field and forum of General Cochrane, one of the

first and most consistent of the War democrats,
who cast aside the bond of party at the call of
the country.

Here we find the statement that it was Gen-
eral Cochrane who in full accord with Secretary
Cameron, first advocated the arming of the
slaves for the Union in a speech at the Astor
House in November of the year 1861. In the
extracts from the memoirs of the General there
are numerous independent and novel apprecia-
tions of men and measures which amply repay
perusal. The claim is here made that the advice
of General Cochrane saved the army from
annihilation at Fredericksburg.

HISTORY OF THE LODGE OF AMITY,
No. 5, F. and A. M., located at Zanesville,
Ohio, and Constituted A. L. 5806 a. d. 1S06.
Compiled by J. Hope Sutor, W. M. 32mo.
C. Moorehead. Zanesville, Ohio.
Zanesville took its name from the Zanes of
Wheeling, a family who came over with Penn.
Zanesville stands at the confluence of the Musk-
ingum and Licking rivers, on a tract which was
granted to Ebenezer Zane in 1796. The Lodge
of Amity was organized in a house which be-
longed to General Isaac Van Home, on the site
where the Zane house now stands, in 1806. Its
continuous history is given. Some portraits on
steel and in photograph illustrate the volume.

SPAIN IN PROFILE : A SUMMER AMONG
the Olives and Aloes. By James Albert
Harrison. i6mo, pp. 439. The Riverside
Press. Houghton, Osgood & Co. Boston,
1879.

Another of the elegant printed and tastefully
bound volumes, which this enterprising house
seem never to tire of publishing for the delecta-
tion of the discriminating reader. This, the
author tells us in his preface, is not addressed
to those who have " undertaken the adventure
of Spain " as a souvenir, but is meant for the
light skimmers of summer books, between whom
and their " Castles in Spain " there lies a sea of
difficulty and improbability ; yet who would not
rather see through other eyes than not see at all.
With graceful hand and winning style, Mr.
Harrison gently leads one through the defiles
of the rugged Northern Sierras of old Castile,
replete with Gothic memories, which stdl seem
to echo with the sound of Fonterabia's horn and
to repeat the heroic, triumphal chants of the
returning Cid and still further down the orange-
covered slopes of Seville to the Alhambra and
the remains of the splendid kingdom of the
moon. The very names are redolent of ro-
mance, and the whole book glitters in ' * the blond
light of yellow Spain."

LITERARY NOTICES

149

CECIL'S BOOKS OF NATURAL HIS-
TORY. Part I., Beasts. Part II., Birds.
Part III., Insects. By Selim H. Pea-
body. Profusely Illustrated. i2mo. Clax-
ton, Remsen& Haffelfinger. Philadelphia,
1S79.

Another attractive book for young people ;
written in a pleasing conversational style, full
of anecdotes of the habits and manners of the
animal creation. A few of the species native to
America are described, and in their order those
introduced into the western hemisphere by the
European immigrants. Here we find that Co-
lumbus brought cows to Hispaniola in 1493, the
French to Canada in 1600, the English to
Jamestown in 161 1 and to Massachusetts in
"1624.

The tone of the volume may be judged of by
the caption of the chapter that treats of the
kangaroo and the opossum, which the author
quaintly heads, "about several funny fellows."
The lessons to be learned from observation of
the brute creation are happily impressed, as for
instance patience from the beaver, indomit-
able hopefulness from the spider. Naturalhistory
is a fascinating study and should be encouraged
in youth.

BURYING THE HATCHET; OR, THE
Young Brave of the Delawares. By
Elijah Kellogg. Illustrated. iSmo, pp.
336. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1S79.
This, the concluding volume of the Forest
Glen series, gives an account of the life of the
frontiersmen during the exciting colonial period
when to the dangers of civilized warfare between
the English and French were added the terrors
of Indian participation on either side. Such
romances, when true to the nature they should
depict, are proper adjuncts to historical instruc-
tion. Indeed the interest, which belongs to all
tales of personal adventure and trial, helps to fix
the historical incidents which they illustrate and
explain, on the memory of youth. While quite
as thrilling as the dangerous yellow-covered
Jack Shepard literature, their tone is healthy,
and their influence salutary.

ADYENTURES OF A CONSUL ABROAD.

By Samuel Sampleton, Esq., late United

States Consul at Yerdecuerno. i2mo, pp.

270. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1S7S.

In a short preface Mr. Luigi Monti announces
the authorship of this attractive account of the
experiences of a Consular representative of the
United States in a Mediterranean port, and the
petty miseries to which he was subjected by the

insufficiency of his salary and the demandsupon
his time and labor. Mr. Sampleton had been
preceded in his post by a gentleman of fortune,
who was only too happy to have an occasion
of spending his personal funds in supporting
American dignity among the well paid repre-
sentatives of European States. For three years
Mr. Sampleton struggled manfully under the
difficulties which surrounded him, and at their
close had just succeeded in acquiring a knowl-
edge of his official duties and of the French
language, which is indispensable to their proper
performance, when a change of administration
caused his recall.

In no manner could the absurdities of the
constant changes in our Consular service be
made more manifest, but we must take issue
with the concurrent thought expressed in the
volume that additional salaries should be paid
for the purpose of a more brilliant representation
abroad. The Consular appointment is not dip-
lomatic but commercial, and now that it has
become a matter of grave question whether
there is need of any diplomatic representation
whatever, except for special purposes, when
special commissions would better perform the
service, it seems unnecessary to take a step in
the other direction by increasing the importance
of the secondary position. Let us have Consuls
well trained in the duties for which they are
created, adequately salaried, and with competent
clerical aid, but let an end be put to their
appearance as ministers in petto in diplomatic
uniform.

The story we do not take to be one of actual
personal experience, but it is nevertheless true.

OCEAN TELEGRAPHY ; THE TWENTY.

Fifth Anniversary of the Organization
of the first Company ever formed to lay
an Ocean Cable, New York, March 10,
1879. Printed for private circulation only.
410, pp. 64. 1879.

Under this title an account, anonymous but
authentic, prepared chiefly from the reports
which appeared in the New York papers, is
here given of what has been called the silver
wedding of the Atlantic Cable ; it would be
more proper to say of the two hemispheres,
which it has bound with its electric circle for
better or for worse, and whom hereafter no
man can put asunder. The celebrities of the
country were gathered at the house of Cyril ; W.
P'ield, the indefatigable " promoter," to use an
English appellation, of this beneficent enter-
prise. What was said and done and written on
the occasion, and what good cheer partaken of, is
here set down. A fac-simile is given of the
elegant and appropriate card of invitation.

i5o

LITERARY NOTICES

" SAYING THE CATECHISM " SEVENTY-
five Years ago, and the Historical Re-
sults. An address delivered before the New
England Historic-Genealogical Society, De-
cember 4, 1878. by Dorus Clarke, D.D.,
Boston. 32mo, pp. 46. Lee & Shepard.
Boston, 1879.

Turning from the historical allusions to West-
hampton, the most picturesque of the four mu-
nicipalities which made up the beautiful town
of Northampton, we find that it is the New
England Primer which, in the opinion of Dr.
Clarke, "has done more to form New England
character than any book except the Bible." He
asks a question, which he confesses he cannot
answer — Who compiled the New England
Primer? The Primer used at Westhampton,
near which he was born, was a square book, and
contained the catechism. By public sentiment
of the town, the lex non scripta, every child in
Westhampton was required to recite the whole
in the meeting house on three Sabbaths in the
year. There was no shirking. The three di-
visions were recited until the town thought of
nothing else but catechism. Heaven forgive
us, but the wicked thought arises that perhaps
it was the catechism which depopulated New
England, and drove her youth westward to less
religious and more fertile fields.

THE PRESERVATION OF LIFE AT SEA.
A paper read before the American Geograph-
ical Society, February 27, 1879, by Theo-
dorus B. M. Mason, Lieutenant U. S. Navy.
8vo, pp. 38. New York, 1879.

EXPERIMENTS ON REPEATING RI-
fles by a Board of French Naval Offi-
cers. Translated from Extrait du Memorial
de 1'Artillene de la Marine by Theo. B. M.
Mason, Lieutenant U. S. Navy. 8vo, pp. 64.
Office Army and Navy Journal. New
York, 1879.

OCCASIONAL PAPERS. By Lieutenant T.

B. M. Mason.

The readers of the Magazine will remember
the attention called in its pages (II., 565) to the
action of Congress, authorizing the acceptance
by the gallant young officer, author of these
papers, of a medal conferred upon him by King
Victor Emanuel for saving a number of lives of
his Italian subjects, the third honor received by
him for similar service. From the first of these
pamphlets it may be seen that he is as inter-
ested in the theory as he was skillful in the
practice of life preservation. From the next,

by one of those curious contrasts of which
life is full, that he is as zealous and intelligent
in the science of putting people out of the world
as he is in keeping them in it. And this to his
praise.

THE FIRST IRISH BOOK. Published by
request of the " Society for the Preservation
of the Irish Language " for the use of the
"Irish Classes" in America. 32mo, pp. 48.
Lynch, Cole & Meehan. New York, 1878.
THE SECOND IRISH BOOK. Do. 32mo,
pp. 104. Do. do.

It is difficult to notice a book in a language
of which one knows nothing. Fortunately the
title-page is in good English, but we add a quo-
tation from Vallencey, which gives the gist of
the matter. He says : " The Irish language is
free from anomalies, sterility and heteroclite
redundancies which mark the dialects of bar-
barous nations ; it is rich and melodious ; it is
precise and copious, and affords those elegant
conversions which no other than a thinking and
lettered people can use or acquire."

LIFE OF BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. By

T. A. Bland. i2mo, pp. 202. Lee &

Shepard. Boston, 1879.

Whatever opinions may be held of General
Butler, it will not be denied that he is one of
the most striking figures in the country. In the
long array of marked public men there is no
single one, north or south, who has filled a
larger place in the public mind than he. This,
perhaps, because his is a positive and thoroughly
original character.

This volume is evidently the work of a close
personal friend, perhaps of an intimate partisan
of the ambitious statesman, who no doubt has
kept in view the Presidency of the country.
The story of his life from his boyhood to
the campaign for the governorship of the old
Bay State in 1878, is told in a vigorous, nervous
style, not unlike that the General was wont to
use in the famous terse proclamations which
made New Orleans howl during the days of his
iron but equal rule — a rule which was far more
satisfactory to the people of New Orleans than
that of his successors, because of its certain and
even nature. So safe was the place that even at
midnight the streets were as quiet as those of any
city in the Union at noonday, and the General
himself constantly to be seen in full uniform in
an open victoria without a single guard. As
General Dix in his memorable orders gave the
key note to the early patriotic spirit, so General
Butler in the single phrase which named the
negro "Contraband of War," settled his statu*
in the contest to the popular mind.

LITERARY NOTICES

151

A review of this nature allows of no dis-
cussion of the merits and faults of this remark-
able man, but when, if ever, the secrets of Lin-
coln's administration are unveiled, not the least
curious chapter will be that which will relate
the manner in which Butler was removed from
New Orleans without the knowledge of those
most directly concerned in the conduct of the
war.

With the chapter entitled " Gen. Butler as a
Financial Reformer," we have no more patience
than we have with the General in that attitude ;
liut to one who showed the indomitable courage
and pluck that marked the career of this mnn of
iron during the war, much is to be pardoned.
An excellent portrait prefaces the volume.

INDEX OF GENERAL ORDERS AND
Circulars affecting the Quartermas-
ter's Department, U. S. Army, from 1865
to 1877, inclusive. Compiled by E. W.
Hewitt and W. E. Coleman. Fort Leaven-
worth, Kansas, (1879).

These gentlemen, as clerks in the Quarter-
master's Department, originally compiled this
index for their own convenience, but have very
properly concluded that it will prove a valuable
aid as a reference volume to others discharging
similar duties. It may be considered as an
addendum to Brinckerhoff s "Volunteer Quar-
termaster," published in 1865. The correction
of errors is invited.

A GENEALOGY OF THE DESCEND-
ANTS of Richard Porter, who settled
at Weymouth, Mass., 1635, and allied
families ; also some account of the Descend-
ants of John Porter, who settled at Hingham,
Mass., 1635, and Salem (Danver), Mass.,
1644. By Joseph W. Porter, of Burlington,
Maine. 8vo, pp. 344. Burr & Robinson.
Bangor, 1878.

A brief general account of the Porter families
opens this well edited and apparently thorough
genealogy. In this it is stated that nearly all
of the families bearing the name in the United
States can be traced to a very few emigrant
ancestors.

Richard settled in W^eymouth in 1635. John,
of Hingham and Salem, three miles distant
from Weymouth, is supposed to have been the
brother of Richard. Another of the name of
John settled at Windsor, Conn., in 1638.
Robert and Thomas, brothers, were of the
eighty-four proprietors of Farmington, Conn.,
in 1640. From Robert is descended President

Noah Porter of Yale College. Daniel was at
Farmington, Conn., before 1635. Abel was
admitted to the church at Boston in 1641.
Another John was a freeman of Roxbury in
1033.

The editor is descended from the Richard
Porter first named, of Weymouth. The sketches
of heads of families are succinct and suggestive
of genealogic enquirers, and the indexes well
arranged and thorough.

THE CENTENNIAL ; An International
Poem. By W. A. Stephens. i6mo, pp. 72.
Hunter, Rose & Co. Toronto, 1878.
This is a good natured, rattling poetic de-
scription of a trip from Canada to the Centennial
at Philadelphia, which is worth recording and
preserving among the reminiscences of that
already historic event. There is a verse for
about every object and person of interest, dead
or alive.

HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN NEW JER-
SEY, and of its Medical Men from the
Settlement of the Province to A. D.
1800. By Stephen Wickes, M. D. 8vo,
pp. 449. Martin R. Dennis & Co. New-
ark, N. J., 1879.

In the year 1875, the Medical Society of New
Jersey resolved to publish its "Old Transac-
tions" from its institution in 1706 to 1S00.
The duty of editing these papers fell upon
tSe author of this volume, and the present
elaborate history of the profession in the State,
is the outcome of the investigations made. The
medical history of Cumberland, Monmouth,
Hunterdon and Essex Counties has been pub-
lished in the "Transactions of the Medical
Society of New Jersey." Beyond these, the
Societies of Warren and Sussex have caused
their histories to be written. The present vol-
ume is supplementary to these works. The
anthor has conveniently divided his subject into
two parts. The first, historical, presents in a
rapid summary the beginnings and progress of
the art in New Jersey ; the second, biographical
sketches of New Jersey physicians to the year
1S00, alphabetically arranged.

The author has done his work in an excellent
manner, and with evident love of his subject.
The style is simple and natural, and wholly
without effort or ostentation. The fruits of
research are lucidly and concisely given, and the
book is an admirable addition to local history
and biography, while full of interest to the pro-
fession at large. It is well printed, in clear,
open type, and on good paper, and its value is
enhanced by a comprehensive index.

152

LITERARY NOTICES

SWITZLER'S ILLUSTRATED HISTORY

of Missouri from 1541 to 1877. 8vo, pp.

601. C. R. Barns, Editor and Publisher.

Saint Louis, 1879.

The material of this work was originally pre-
pared for the elaborate volume entitled "The
Commonwealth of Missouri," and is now re-
arranged in a form which brings it within the
reach of ordinary readers. The contributors
are announced in the following order : Archae-
ology, A J. Conant ; History, W. F. Switzler;
Physical Geography, G. C. Swallow ; Material
Wealth, R. A. Campbell ; the arrangement fall-
ing to the hands of Chancy R. Barns. Of these,
Mr. Conant is well known throughout the coun-
try for his careful papers on the pre-historic
period of the western country, and Col. Switz-
ler for his long labors on the press of Missouri,
and his intimate knowledge of that State.

Numerous illustrations give an idea of the
discoveries made in the ancient mounds, and aid
to an understanding of the civilization and habits
of a lrtst people, whose story is only told by these
mute witnesses. The history of the part taken
by Missouri in the late civil war, is commend-
able for its moderation and fairness. The
mineral treasures of the State are well set forth,
and a large number of excellent statistical tables
contribute to make of the volume a complete
and useful work of reference, which should be
found on the shelves of every public library.

THE FINANCIAL HISTORY OF THE

United States from 1774 to 1789, em-
bracing the period of the American Revolu-
tion. By Albert S. Bolles. 8vo, pp. 371.
D. Appleton & Co. New York, 1879.
There has never been a time when thorough
knowledge of the true principles of finance was
of such vital importance to the people of the
United States as now. By the rapid develop-
ment of our resources, we have grown up to the
full measure of our paper currency, every dollar
of which would be needed in the daily trans-
action of the nation, but for the large influx of
coin during the last three years. If now, by a
master stroke of finance, we could utterly
destroy the paper issues to the amount of the
gold we have received, the financial prosperity
of the country would be assured beyond a per-
adventure.

The previous works of the writer of this vol-
ume entitle him to rank among the very first
modern authorities on the subject of finance.
He belongs to the great school of Morris, and
1 [amilton, and Gallatin, the soundness of whose
writings, based on the principle of a strong metal-
lic basis in the circulating medium, is as fresh
to-day as when they were written, and must

ultimately prevail. Indeed, the necessity of a
large coin circulation was never more evident
than now when there is no longer any power of
Government or of banks to regulate the rate
of discount and control the exchanges, with the
attendant outgo or influx of the precious
metals.

Mr. Bolles notices the fact that no thorough
history of the early financial period of the
United States has before been written ; and
that it is only to be found in meagre and scat-
tered papers. His purpose is in three volumes
to cover the entire field of finance from 1774 to
1879. The present treats of the fiist clearly
defined period, 1774 to 1789. This is divided
into two books : I. From September, 1774, to
the Financal Administration of Robert Morris ;
II. From Morris' Financial Administration to
the close of the Confederation. The story is a
sad one. The colonies were cursed with
depreciated issues, each different and differently
secured, and even the coin which fluctuated in
amount in a meaningless way, was in great
measure depreciated by abrasion or mutilated
by design. The necessities of war compelled
an instant resort to bills of credit, and these
naturally took the form of Continental notes, a
paper money which had they been supported by
proper taxation equally levied and equally col-
lected from the colonies on whose faith it was
issued, might possibly have been maintained
at a par with coin. So it has been asserted of
the issues of the Government during the late
war, but in the one case as in the other there
was not in the country the amount of specie
required to maintain convertibility, nor yet the
power to obtain it. As it was, even in 1776, the
Continental paper had already depreciated to
such an extent that it was openly refused, and
penal measures were adopted to compel its
receipt. Next followed the introduction of large
sums of counterfeit paper directly promoted by
the British Government as ' de bonne guerre.'
The next resort of the Government was to
foreign loans. These were made possible by
the victory of Saratoga in the fall of 1777, and
funds were raised in Holland and France by
our Commissioners, against which bills of ex-
change were drawn, but of course these brought
no specie into the country, and provided no
foundation whatever for the restoration of the
national credit. In the expressive modern
phrase, the future of the Republic was dis-
counted by those governments who were polit-
ically interested in its success.

The appointment of Robert Morris to the
direction of the finances in the spring of 1781,
began a new era in the political economy of the
country. A national bank was the regulating
machine which brought harmony into the dis-
tracted branches of the treasury and pay depart-
ments. A limited amount of specie was secured

LITERARY NOTICES

153

and held with tenacity, bank bills were issued
and means taken to float them with comparative
freedom. And with exceptional powers, Morris
was strong enough to redeem the national credit.
To him Mr. Bolles aptly ascribes the honor of
being " the peerless financier of the Revolution."
It is rarely that a subject of this nature is
treated in a manner as pleasing as this. No one
who would understand the true history of the
Revolution, and correctly measure the difficulties
with which our forefathers had to contend,
should omit a careful study of this well digested
volume.

REYNOLDS' HISTORY OF ILLINOIS.

My own Times, embracing, also, the

History of my Life. By John Reynolds.

8vo, pp.395. Chicago Historical Society.

Chicago, 1879.

This is a reproduction, in an attractive form,
and with the addition of a full index, of a book,
the story of which is an illustration of the diffi-
culties which all who have devoted themselves
to historical investigation have had to encounter
in this country. Governor Reynolds was one of
the most prominent figures in western public
life, and it would be supposed this epitome of
the story of the young days of the western
country would have commanded a ready sale.
Not so. Completed in 1854, the first edition,
probably not more than four hundred copies,
was printed in a small job office at Belleville, and
taken by a single bookseller of Chicago, at the
author's personal instigation. Nearly the whole
edition was destroyed in the great fire of 1857.

Practically out of print, the present volume is
rather a new work than the reprint of an old;
and a creditable one it is to the Chicago society.
Tue extensive range of politics, internal im-
provement, public life and personal experience,
naturally traversed in this bulky volume, render
even a slight analysis impossible. It is discursive
and sketchy, and abounds in details of purely
local value, but it contains also a mass of in-
formation which the enquirer would look for in
vain elsewhere. Above all it is stamped with
an originality and individuality which set well
upon the shoulders of a western man.

LA SALLE, AND THE DISCO-VERY OF
the Great West. By Francis Park-
man. i6mo, pp. 483. Little, Brown &
Co. Boston, 1879.

This, under another title, is the eleventh
edition of the third part of Mr. Parkman's his-
tory of the early settlement of America by the
French, published in 1869, as The Discovery of
the Great West. Our readers are familiar with

the three volumes of Mr. Margry's " Decouver-
tes et Etablissements des Francais dans l'ouest
et dans le Sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale,"
numerous extracts from which have been trans-
lated for the pages of this Magazine.

Mr. Parkman was acquainted with this new and
important material, but was unwilling to make
use of it until the collection made by Mr. Mar-
gry should be made public. He now has taken
advantage of it, and with these new lights, has
revised and almost entirely rewritten the narra-
tive, in which La Salle becomes the central fig-
ure. The new material particularly concerns
the causes of La Salle's failure to find the mouth
of the Mississippi in 1684. His quarrel with
Beaujeu, the naval commander of the expedi-
tion, and the wreck of the " Aimable," told with
charming precision in the original letter, make
a fascinating page of history. The Aimable
came to grief in the Bay of St. Louis, now Mata-
gorda Bay; whether by accident, or by design as
La Salle and his companions believed, cannot
be determined. There were those, even, who
thought that it was part of a plan to destroy
La Salle, concerted by the Jesuits, who did
not favor his discoveries. Mr. Parkman does
not seem to give any credit to this view, in-
deed, passes it by. The expedition separated,
Beaujeu returning to France, and La Salle
entering the country to find the mouth of the
Mississippi by land. The tragic sequel is well
known. La Salle fell by the hand of an assas-
sin. The band of explorers waited long and
vainly for succor from France, but left to their
fate at Fort St. Louis of Texas they finally
fell a prey to the* treachery of their savage
neighbors.

THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATIONS OF

the State of New York. Prepared pur-
suant to a Concurrent Resolution of the Leg-
islature. By Allen C. Beach, Secretary of
State. 8vo, pp. 459. Weed, Parsons &
Co. Albany, 1879.

These are volumes which will stand in
history. They mark not only a period in the
life of the nation, but form a land-mark in his-
torical investigation. The several monographs
in this collection, which have been brought
together and carefully edited by Mr. Beach,
contain the best accessible information concern-
ing the events they describe. Nor has the skill-
ful editor confined himself to printing the ad-
dresses alone, but has wisely added the best
attainable accounts of the celebrations them-
selves, which in another century will interest
the student of manners and customs almost as
much as the earlier days they commemorate.
New York played a great part in the revolution.
The drum beat without pause upon her borders

154

LITERARY NOTICES

for seven long years. The names of the occa-
sions celebrated are ample evidence of this : I.
The Adoption of the New York State Constitu-
tion in 1777, which the eminent jurist, Charles
O'Conor, made the theme of an address on
the Constitutions before the New York Histori-
cal Society and a vast audience of the culture and
fashion of the Metropolis. II. The Adoption of
the State Constitution at Kingston (celebrated
July 30, 1877). III. The Battle of Oriskany, cele-
brated August 6, 1877, under the auspices of the
Oneida Historical Society. The attention of
historians is invited to the original material
now for the first time published in the appendix
to the address of Mr. Ellis H. Roberts, the orator
of the day. IV. The Battle of Bemus' Heights,
celebrated September 19, 1877. V. The ceremony
of laying the corner-stone of the monument to
David Williams, one of the captors of Andre, at
the Old Fort in Schoharie, September 23, 1876.
VI. The Surrender of Burgoyne, celebiated at
Schuylerville, October 17, 1877. VII. The
unveiling of the Cherry Valley Monument,
August 15, 1877, an occasion on which Major
Douglas Campbell, kinsman of a victim of
that dark tragedy in which the bloodthirsty re-
venge of the tories and the brutal instincts of
the savage were joined in an eager rivalry of
crime, delivered the address. The volume
closes with an account of the Proceedings in
Commemoration of the Occupation of the New
Capitol in January, 1879, which gave an occasion
for a recital of the past history of the old build-
ing, which was doomed to destruction with all
its memories of seventy years. It will be long
before New York shall again witness such scenes
as those which marked the summer and fall of
1877, when herpopulation was literally in move-
ment by tens and twenties of thousands, as each
successive celebration called them out to cele-
brate the deeds of their fathers on the old historic
border ground.

THE LIFE OF DAVID GLASGOW FAR-

ragut, First Admiral of the United
States Navy. Embracing his journal and
letters. By his son, Loyal Farragut. With
portraits, maps and illustrations. 8vo, pp.
586. D. Appleton & Co. New York, 1879.
This biography of the most famous naval
commander of modern times was written by his
only son at the express wish of the Admiral,
. and will hold its place as the authoritative record
\ of his eventful life. In its preparation the offi-
cers of the navy have been freely consulted,
and as far as possible the story of the Admiral
is related by himself in what his son justly
terms his characteristic language. No one who
him met Farragut will ever forget him. To a
frank, open and forcible nature, which is the tradi-

tional trait of the seaman, he added an inimit-
able grace and courtesy of speech, which won
instant regard, and his conversation was as fas-
cinating as his behavior was modest and refined.
In a word, he combined in a rare degrre the old
requirements of chivalry, a womanly gentleness
with a manly bravery, that took no account of
danger, and had no sense of fear. The per-
sonal letters in this volume will be read with as
much eagerness as the twice-told tale of the
Passage of the Batteries of Vicksburg and the
Capture of New Orleans and Mobile. With
filial devotion and modest taste the author has
justified and fulfilled the prophecy made in
the United Service Magazine for January, 1865.
" When his biography comes to be written, the
public, who now see only high courage and in-
domitable vigor rewarded by great and brilliant
victories, will recognize the completeness and
harmony of a character that has so far appeared
to them only in profile. The stainless honor,
the straightforward frankness, the vivacity of
manner and conversation, the gentleness, the
flow of humor, the cheerful, ever buoyant spirit
of the true man — these will be added to the
complete education the thorough seamanship,
the devotion to duty, and lastly, the restless
energy, the disdain of obstacles, the impatience
of delay or hesitation, the disregard of danger,
that stand forth in such prominence in the por-
trait, deeply engraven on the loyal American
heart, of the great Admiral."

Brave and unconquerable as Nelson, his high
moral character adds to a fame, as a naval
commander, equal to that of the hero of the
Victory, a civic glory all his own.

NARRATIVE OF THE SECOND ARCTIC
Expedition made by Charles F. Hall.
His Voyage to Repulse Bay ; Sledge Jour-
neys to the Straits of Fury and Hecla and to
King William's Land and residence among
the Eskimos during the years 1864-69. Ed-
ited under the orders of the Secretary of the
Navy, by Prof. J. E. Nourse, U. S. N., U.
S. Naval Observatory, 1879. 4to, pp. 644.
Government Printing Office. Washing-
ton, 1879.

The United States Government in the publi-
cation of this massive and elaborately illustrated
volume has done but a simple act of justice.to
the memory of Captain Hall, who first applied
to Arctic exploration a new and thoroughly
American principle. If the barriers of the Po-
lar seas are to be pierced, as we doubt not, and
the mysteries held within unfolded by scientific
investigation, the success of the enterprise will
be in large measure due to the practical method,

LITERARY NOTICES

155

introduced by Hall, of residence among the
natives of the highest inhabited latitudes, their
education, and ultimately their cooperation in
the important task.

Hall made three expeditions. Of the first of
these, May 29, i860, to September 13, 1862, he
published an account in his Arctic Researches,
1864.

The second voyage and residence among the
Eskimos covered a period of more than five
years, June 30, 1864, to September 26. 1869.
Of this he left no narrative, his time on his re-
turn being occupied with preparations for his
third voyage, that of the Polaris, on board
which vessel he died suddenly, November 8,
1S71. The record of this voyage, prepared by
Rear Admiral Davis, was published by the Gov-
ernment in 1876, and was noticed in the Maga-
zine for September, 1877 (I., 580).

After the death of Captain Hall tht Govern-
ment purchased his manuscripts, part of which
were used by Admiral Davis. Others, com-
prising the larger portion, were found to belong
to the second expedition, and form the basis of
the present narrative. The citizens of New York,
under the energetic impulse of the late Henry
Grinnell and Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, were per-
sonally and pecuniarily interested in all of these
explorations, and were warmly attached to Cap-
tain Hall, whose devotion to his self-imposed
task and simple, modest manners endeared him
to all with whom he was brought in contact.
The presence of the Eskimos, whom he brought
with him as practical evidences of the possibility
of his well-devised scheme of land exploration,
contributed not a little to the successful outfit
of the expeditions.

It is needless to add that this record is pre-
pared with the broad scope and nicety of detail
which characterize the work of our American
naval officers. The careful meteorological and
astronomical observations made by Captain
Hall are of incalculable value to science. The
narrative of his residence among the natives is
told with simplicity, and will prove interesting
to the general reader as a story of personal
experience, while serviceable in its hints to those
who follow in his footprints on the glacial
shores.

THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CAUSES

and the Supreme Court of the United

States. By John M. Shirley. i6mo, pp.

469. G. L. Jones & Co. St. Louis, 1879.

An admirable history of Dartmouth College,

by Baxter Perry Smith, appeared in 1878, and

received a careful review in the pages of the

Magazine for September, 1S79 (III., 589). A

general account of the famous " Dartmouth

Controversy" may be found in Mr. Smith's vol-

ume. The present book treats simply of the
causes which originated in that controversy, and
form one of the most remarkable passages in
American legal and forensic history. They were
five in number. Four were brought to test the
validity of the acts of the New Hampshire
Legislature to amend the charter of Dartmouth
College. The fifth was brought into court Sep-
tember 23, 1819. The case, decided against
the college in the U. S. Circuit Courts, was
carried up, under special direction of Mr. Web-
ster, who came into it "at the eleventh hour,"
under a writ of error to the Supreme Court.
Judge Marshall was the Chief Justice, and Mr.
Webster relied on the single ground that the
acts of the Legislature were "not within the
general scope of legislative power." The points
in the grand argument of Mr. Webster had been
essentially made by Jeremiah Mason and Jere-
miah Smith, who formed with him a " great
triumvirate of prodigious intellectual power,"
to use Mr. Shirley's expressive and appreciative
phrase. The lawyer and the jurist will follow
the close account of the points made in the con-
troversy, but the general reader will be amply
repaid by the analysis presented of the charac-
teristics of the legal giants who were engaged,
and the estimates of their value in the counsel
chamber and the forum of large debate. To
others learned in the law must be left an appre-
ciation of the manner in which Mr. Shirley in-
terprets and reviews the judgments of the
court.

THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF

the United States at Washington.

i6mo, pp. 557. By Webster Elmes. W.

H. & O. H. Morrison. Washington, D. C,

1879.

This volume, in the words of the author, pre-
sents a comprehensive view of the powers, func-
tions and duties of the heads of departments,
bureaus and divisions, at Washington, as pre-
scribed by law and regulations ; together with a
description in detail of the organization of each;
also a sketch in detail of their practical opera-
tions in the transaction of public affairs and of
business with the people. It will serve not only
to instruct officers in their duty, but give the in-
formation required by those who have dealings
with the departments which will enable them to
transact their business without the intervention
of any of the countless horde of middle men,
who haunt the halls of the public buildings, and
in their bolder sphere of operations form that
intangible body which is termed the lobby.
United States officials are easy of access, and
have a ready answer for those who know how to
ask for what they want. This volume will aid
the latter class in their enquiries.

156

LITERARY NOTICES

THE GREAT FUR LAND, OR SKETCHES
of Life in the Hudson's Bay Territory.
By H. M. Robinson. With numerous illus-
trations from designs by Charles Gasche.
24mo, pp. 348. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New
York, 1879.

The picturesque phases of life in the Hud-
son's Bay territory are here graphically presented
in a form of sketches, which illustrate the dif-
ferent seasons of the year. The opening chap-
ter describes a winter's journey on a dog sledge
from Fort Garry, across the frozen expanse of
Lake Winnipeg, to Norway House at its north-
ern extremity. The great Northern Packet of
the Hudson's Bay Company, with which the
journey was made, consists of four dog trains
and drivers, and scatters news from the forty-
ninth to the sixty-seventh parallel, and from
Labrador to Alaska. In the far north summer
treads close upon the heels of winter. In April
the earth softens, and the streams are liberated
from their ice chains. This is the season for
canoe life, and the incidents of this dreamy ex-
istence are charmingly related. No one who
has ever lived for a few days in a canoe can
forget the delights and surprises which nature
presents from the low level of observation which
the thwarts afford.

Then follow chapters upon the half-breed
voyageurs, descendants of the Canadian boat-
men, of the Coureurs des bois, or wood-runners,
the trappers of the great Northwest, of the wild
Blackfeet, the Arabs of the Saskatchewan terri-
tory, and upon the history of the Hudson's Bay
Company, and the life of whites and Indians in
camp or on the great fall hunt, which opens at
Pembina Mountain, in the Dakota region, in
the first days of September, when the buffalo
appears.

Well arranged and pleasantly written, this is
a welcome addition to the descriptive literature
of American life and customs. A variety of
typical illustrations heighten its interest.

A GENEALOGICAL STATEMENT OF
the Clarke Family of Boston, Mass.,
1 73 1. With review of the same. By ISAAC
Greenwood. For private distribution. 8vo,
pp. 8. New York, 1879.

In these pages those interested in this class of
research will find a reprint of William Clarke's
genealogical statement of 1731, which appeared
in the New England Historical and Genealo-
gical Register for January, 1879, an d of a re-
view of it from the same magazine for April,
1879. Nice critical acumen and a thorough
knowledge of early New England family history

is shown, and numerous errors corrected. The
account of the Saltonstalls will interest many.

ARMY SACRIFICES, OR BRIEFS FROM
Official Pigeon-holes. Sketches based on
official reports, grouped together for the pur-
pose of illustrating the services and experi-
ences of the regular army of the United
States on the Indian Frontier. 32mo. D.
Van Nostrand. New York, 1879.
No one can speak with more authority of the
services and sacrifices of the small devoted band,
who for years, on the outskirts of civilization, have
stood and protected our long line of exposed
frontier from the brand and the tomahawk, than
the author of these sketches, whose position in
the Adjutant General's department gives him pe-
culiar advantages for accurate knowledge of the
subject he treats. The brief sketches he gives
of actual occurrences, scattered over a period of
nearly thirty years, are presented as examples of
the dangers and privations of our soldiery, and of
the gallantry and fortitude they display. The
archives of the Government abound in reports
of their encounters with the savage foe. Among
the fourteen sketches are vivid narratives of For-
syth's fight at the Island of Death, the Fetter-
man massacre in the Fatal Valley, Powell's fight
against overwhelming numbers in the same year,
Pfieffer's fight, and most memorable of all the
story of Modoc treachery and the massacre of
the lamented Canby in the Lava Beds, the • hor-
ror' of 1873.

THE TOWN RECORDS OF GROTON,
Massachusetts, 1662-1678. Edited by
Samuel A. Green. 8vo, pp. 46. Groton,
1879.

In July, 1877 (I., 450), the attention of our
readers was invited to a thorough and interest-
ing account of this ancient town, included in the
Proceedings of its Centennial Celebration of the
Declaration of Independence, and the bicen-
tennial of its destruction by Indians in March,
1676.

These early records are now edited by the
same careful, patient antiquary. They begin
with what is called the ' Indian roll," the earli-
est extant of the town records, and have a local
interest.

We wish some local antiquary would do a
similar service for the town of Groton, Connec-
ticut, the records of which we saw a quarter of
a century ago in the garret of a country store.
They were full of interesting memoranda con-
cerning the Ledyards and other old families of
this ancient and notable city. The town is now
called Ledyard, if we are not mistaken.

LITERARY .

fCOl IS. A Series of

Essayx, by representative writers, on su-.
connected with Trade, f inance H
nomy. 8v vi's Sons

X. An Lssayon Free Trade. By Richard

XI. Honest Money and Labor. A «
dress del.

by Carl Schurz, Secretary of the Interior.

I'-:,-

XII. National Banking. A
of the met C present system. By
M. L. ffrnn'rtrr, Jr. Published In

;-,t Money League of the

XIII. Hindrar Causes
which Retard Financial and P.

forms in the U i.es. By

Sterne. Published for the %. Y. Free

Ir. our December nurabr

m was invited to the firs: nine numr.-:
this extremely valuable collection of special
papers. The able character of the series has
been folly sustained, and a new line of Con-
ors has come forward. This is
nhould be ; while it is not in the nature of such
papers to be other than decided statemer
opinions (the word doctrinal may as well be
used;, the greater the vane*y of tres
the better. All economic subjects are ■
sided, though the light which shines through

Cerent prisms is fixed and unchang-
Orer the ' national banking there

ten and will continue to be the widest

the most downright advocates of honest money

and hard money. T .a of circu

will soon become -mother groan c ersy.

There are those who believe tha -nsioa

rency should be in paper. :' the

old-fashioned school which woul I e issue

of paper to a minimum, and look for
hi coin. The new theory may be sound. The
. : :. i :=■.---■ . -.-:-, . - . . ;■ -. - ~ : ' -. -. - - : --
of nations.

A great error has been committed by the ad-
vocates of the national bank system in their
unmeasured abuse of the greenback, which has
i-v. : : - r : - r- i- : >:! -. . ; '»'- -. -. h : - - r - ;
in our people since the days of Biddle's bank
the money power. All that is needed to

--. is to tax

■

■■'■..
name by which she was I he famili a r

.rn on the

.e was rr. lfiam

of New York, a well-known merchant of

shows that from early womanhood the tone of

;- -.'. - . ..-:.-.-:.;: ■:': ; . - *-. : r ... .y . ..

y, and his wise accom-
panied him ; h- long after. It was
rence apparently that her impressionable
nature was first influenced by the beauty of the

.. aversion ; but it was

■

■
liberal contribution in money from her Italian

- : " -." ...

etsfcung, ar.d r*
rived and

:-e --.v:- = : \er -.-.-/ '.:' '--

~/.:;h his

Superior. She died .

-
she "reposes with her two hi
awaiting the final day."

i 5 8

LITERARY NOTICES

GASPARD DE COLIGNY (MARQUIS DE
Chatillon), Admiral of France, Colonel
of French Infantry, Governor of Picar-
dy, Isle de France, Paris and Havre.
By Walter Besant. i6mo, pp. 232. Mar-
cus Ward & Co., London, 1879.
French history presents no more admirable a
character than the high-born nobleman, the illus-
trious Admiral who led the Reformation in
France, and fell the noblest of the victims of the
dreadful massacre of St. Bartholomew, prepared
by Rome, and executed by the heads of the
Catholic party in France. The plot was secret,
its execution complete. The reformation of
France was crushed, and a medal was struck at
Rome in honor of the event.

The contemporary memoirs of La Noue, Ta-
vannes, and others, have supplied the materials
for this biography. Strange to say, no life of
the Admiral had before appeared in English.
To his indomitable patience, steadfastness and
clearness of brain is to be ascribed the aggrega-
tion, under his leadership, of all the scattered
elements of Protestantism throughout France.
His energy gave vigor to the movement, the
merciless and treacherous repression of which
did more to consolidate the elements of opposi-
tion to Romish rule than even the greatest Prot-
estant successes in other countries.

Among Coligny's schemes for the aggrandise-
ment of France and the spread of the Reforma-
tion was that of a colonization of Brazil by the
French, but this failed, partly from inherent
causes, at first from the incapacity, later the insin-
cerity of his agent Villegagner. The spot selected
was an island in the Bay of Rio Janeiro ; the
infant colony was landed there Nov. 10, 1555,
and the place now known as Villegagner Island
was first named Fort Coligny. The colony lasted
only four years.

The control Coligny held over the Protestant
party in the civil war of the Guises, his great
march upon Paris, the enforced peace, and his
murder in the hour of complete triumph, are
well told.

THE ORATOR'S MANUAL; A PRAC-
TICAL and Philosophical Treatise on Vo-
cal Culture, Emphasis and Gesture. To-
gether with selections for declamation and
reading. Designed as a text-book for Schools
and Colleges, and for public speakers and
readers who are obliged to study without an
instructor. By George L. Raymond. i2mo,
pp. 342. S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, 1879.
Only teachers or those who have endeavored
to acquire the difficult . arts of elocution and
oratory can fully appreciate the value of a work

of this nature and of the instruction it conveys.
A cursory glance will show the excellence of the
manner of the author's treatment, the compre-
hensiveness of his subdivisions, and the happy
selection of passages from the speeches of the
most famous orators and the writings of the best
authors in prose and verse. The automatic pro-
cesses of oratory are separated from those which
may be properly left to the taste and inspiration
of the speaker ; in aid of these there is an
ingenious illustration of gesture by plates show-
ing the positions of the body and arms which
usage has shown to be the most effective. Elo-
cution the author well defines to be the art of
speaking or reading naturally, impressively, in an
interesting manner always, as circumstances re-
quire. There seems to be nothing lacking in
this excellent volume.

FIRST PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL

Economy. By Joseph Alden. 32mo, pp.

153. Davis, Bardeen & Co., Syracuse;

Baker, Pratt & Co., New York.

The introduction of the study of Political
Economy into our public schools is perhaps the
surest way of counteracting the dangerous here-
sies which the inventors of the new doctrines of
finance are spreading through the community.
This treatise is an excellent beginning, and carries
with it the warm approval of Mr. Andrew D.
White, of Cornell University, and of Horatio
Seymour, both excellent authorities. Industry,
values, capital, labor, wages, money, coinage,
currency, usury, rent, taxes, commerce and trade
are treated in separate chapters, full of practical
information, and free from dogmatism. In that
on the usury laws the true ground is taken that
all restrictions on the use or hire of money are
injurious. We hope the next generation will
profit by their instruction, and expunge from the
Statutes of this State this relic of the middle
ages. Dr. Alden is the principal of the Albany
State Normal School.

MARIETTA COLLEGE IN THE WAR OF
Secession, 1861-1865. 8vo, pp. 96. Peter
G. Thomson. Cincinnati, 1878.
Marietta College has its seat on the north
bank of the Ohio, at the mouth of the Muskin-
gum, where the pioneers landed in 1788. The
settlement was made under the auspices of offi-
cers of the Revolution, and the military element
was prominent in all of its preparatory move-
ments. General Rufus Putnam, the Engineer
of the Revolution, was its leading spirit. It was
natural enough therefore that her sons should
have been among the first to rise in support of
the Government of the Union. Sketches are
given of the lives and services of those who fell
in the contest. The book is a roll of honor.

LITERARY NOTICES

159

SCHOOL HISTORY OF NORTH CARO-
LINA, from 1854 to 1879. By John Wheeler
Moore. 241110, pp. 323. Alfred Williams
& Co. Raleigh, N. C, 1879.
This work has been adopted by the Legisla-
ture of the State as a text-book for schools.
The lasting nature of early impressions renders
it of the highest importance that they should be
correct. This is the first of the histories of
North Carolina which touches upon the period
of the late civil war. The unwillingness of
North Carolina to join in secession, the de-
votedness she showed to the Southern cause
after she joined it, and her "hearty submission
to the fortunes of war" at its close are told in
a manner most commendable for its patriotism
and freedom from that narrow partisan bias,
which still holds apart the sections of a country
which cannot but be "one and indivisible."

ELIHU BURRITT. A Memorial Volume
contain a sketch of his life and labors, with
selections from his writings and lectures and
extracts from his private journals in Europe
and America. Edited by Chas. Northend.
T2mo, pp. 479. D. Appleton & Co. New
York, [1S79].

For a large class of readers biographies have
a peculiar fascination. Man is at best a selfish
creature, and is perpetually reasoning con-
cerning himself. In the study of the lives
of others he is constantly engaged in reflecting
as to how he would have conducted himself
under similar conditions of fortune or experi-
ence. But those biographies are most valuable,
indeed those only are of instructive value, which
concern individuals who have had a purpose in
life, which they have kept continually in view.
Whether the purpose be realized or not, the
processes chosen to attain it are of themselves a
lesson. Man, Goethe says somewhere, "cannot
take himself out of the atmosphere in which he
lives," cannot step out of the magic circle which
the ancients termed fatality, and poetic myths
have described as the fairy web woven at birth
by attendant fairies or interfering imps.

Eli hu Burritt, whose reputation filled Amer-
ica and Great Britain, as the Learned Black-
smith, a quarter of a century ago, was one of
those rare exceptional men who devote every
energy of his life to a special work of public
value. His purpose was the elevation of the
socal and moral condition of his fellows. He
was an Apostle of Peace to mankind. An ex-
cellent mechanic, he found time even while
engaged in daily manual labor of the severest
kind to train his mind, develop his remark-
able powers of memory, and fit himself for

the work of a teacher of men. In 1S41 he
began his lectures, which he aptly illustrated
from the lessons of his own experience.
When the Oregon question threatened an open
rupture between the United States and Great
Britain, he engaged actively in an effort to
arrest the warlike tendency of the American
people, in which he was heartily joined by some
equally earnest men of Manchester. In 1846,
in consequence of his cooperation in the cause of
peace, he visited England, sailing on the steamer
which took out the news of the settlement of
the Oregon dispute, and at Manchester and
Birmingham organized an international associa-
tion called the " League of Universal Brother-
hood." His biographer, in as great measure as
possible, using the language of Burritt, shows
how great the influence of a single unselfish,
devoted philanthropist has been in the world.
He sums up his character in the just sufficient
phrase, that his "talents and efforts were
wholly consecrated to the promotion of Peace,
Freedom and Humanity."

The selections from his writings — of which
the story of a pedestrian tour entitled, Walk
from London to John O'Groat's, enjoys the wid-
est reputation — are charming reading for young
or old, and full of entertainment as well as
instruction.

THE WHITE MOUNTAIN GUIDE-BOOK.

Fifteenth edition. i6mo, pp. 230. Edson C.

Eastman. Concord, 1S79.

Many excellent hands have taken a part in
this guide-book. The Rev. Thomas Starr King
wrote the description of the Eastern Side of the
Mountains for the first edition of 1858. Its
practical value to tourists has been since greatly
increased by maps of routes and of the moun-
tain region. There are some pretty illustrations.

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF

Sharon, Litchfield County, Conn., from

its first Settlement. By Charles F.

Sedgwick. 8vo, pp. 207. Second edition.

Charles Walsh. Armenia, N. Y., 1877.

Mr. Sedgwick published a sketch of the town
of Sharon in 1839. For reasons which he states
in his preface, the present history has been
elaborated from the first effort, and con ains
many new details as also the recollectiors of
many of the old worthies of the town. Sharon
was publicly laid out and settled in 1738. It con-
tributed a large number of men, more than one
hundred to the first enlistment of troops for the
revolution in 1776 ; one of its companies, com-
manded by Captain David Downs, marching for
Canada ; the remaining three for New York,

i6o

LITERARY NOTICES

where they took part in the disastrous campaign
of the same summer. Sharon troops were later
in the affair at Danbury, and her militia joined
in the grand rally which enmeshed Burgoyne,
A series of biographical sketches, alphabeti-
cally arranged, follows the historical sketch, and
appendices are added, containing deeds, list of
soldiers of the revolution, names of college
graduates; representatives of the town in Gen-
eral Assembly, etc.

SUMMER VACATION AT MOOSEHEAD
Lake and Vicinity. A practical guide-book
for tourists, describing routes for the canoe-
man over the principal waters of Northern
Maine, with hints to campers and estimates
of expense for tours. Illustrated with twenty
views, etc. By Lucius L. Hubbard. i6mo,
pp. 145. A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1879.
Of all months in the year, September and
October are the best for camping out. Then
nature is at its best, tha bracing air inviting
exercise, and the insects no longer haunting the
woodpath or the stream borders. If the reader
be tempted to camp out, the most attractive
mode of hunting or fishing excursion, he will
do well to visit the Moosehead region, and to
take with him this practical guide, which lays
down a number of admirable tours.

A MEMORIAL OF CALEB CUSHING,
from the City of Newburyport. 8vo,
pp. 178. Published by order of the City
Council. Newburyport, 1879.
In this volume will be found a record of the
exercises taken in various parts of the country on
occasion of the death of one of the most remark-
able men of this century. The chief feature in
its pages is the eulogy delivered by the Hon.
George B. Loring, who recited 111 glowing sen-
tences the conspicuous services rendered by
Caleb Cushing, for a period of time extending
over two generations of men, as scholar, jurist,
statesman, author, diplomatist, legislator, magis-
trate. Of an eminent puritan stock, distinguished
in the church and the law, he brought to the
public service, which he espoused in his early
manhood, every trait requisite to success. His
versatility of mind, vast acquirements and extra-
ordinary memory, combined with an untiring
energy and capacity for labor ; his grasp of sub-
ject and his minute attention to detail, have
rarely been equalled, and certainly never ex-
celled ; and to administration after administra-
tion, even these with the political opinions of
which he differed, he was the chosen mentor on
innumerable occasions, when his knowledge of

international law was essential to correct diplo-
matic action. The only fault found with his
character was an alleged want of political con-
sistency, but it is hard to measure the operations
of an intellect so large as his by ordinary stand-
ards. Personally he was one of the most fasci-
nating of men, and his conversation full of
graphic illustrations. Long before his death the
animosities he had aroused had faded away, and
his loss was universally lamented as a national
calamity. The city of his birth honors herself
in this memorial to the memory of her most
distinguished son.

LA CROSSE, THE NATIONAL GAME OF
Canada. By W. G. Beers. New edition,
containing the laws of the game as recently
amended. i6mo, pp. 276. Dawson Bros.
Montreal, 1879.

The name of Lacrosse is not likely to be for-
gotten so long as history preserves the memory
of the massacre of the British garrison at Mic-
hillimimackinac by a party of Indians, who
surprised the fort while apparently intent upon
this exciting game. From time immemorial it
has been the national game of the northern
tribes. An interest in it was renewed in i860,
and a set of rules published by Mr. Beers, who-
may, therefore, justly lay claim to having "nat-
uralized " the sport. It first met popularity in
Montreal, when the Iroquois Indians of Caugh-
nawaga introduced it, has been adopted by
various clubs, and has maintained a permanent
existence with occasional periods of great pop-
ularity.

TROUTINGONTHE BRULE RIVER, OR

Lawyers' Summer Wayfarings in the
Northern Wilderness. By John Lyle
King. i2mo, pp. 293. The Chicago Legal
News Co. Chicago, 1879.
This is another of those breezy, summery vol-
umes which breed discontent in the minds of
citizens home bound, in this torrid year, when
the planets are astray and weather prophets
abound. It tells of an excursion of three Chicago
lawyers into the northern wilderness ; an un-
settled region, uninhabited even by Indians,
which is traversed by the Brule and Michigami
streams. Those who would follow in the foot-
steps of the adventurous party will do well to
take this fascinating volume with them as a
mentor and guide. It will teach them how to
conduct themselves towards each other, as well
as towards the beasts of the field, and the birds
of the air, and most particularly the finny tribes
on which they must chiefly depend for their
" daily bread."

. •

/ C^>4/>m^c^i^

MAGAZINE O RY

■

Br:

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. V SEPTEMBER 1880 No. 3

THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

1780

FOR a proper understanding of the event which I have undertaken
to describe, it will be necessary to know the condition of the
British wood-pile. The winter of 1779-80 was one of unusual
severity. Heavy falls of snow in the vicinity of New York began
about the middle of December, and these, added to the intense cold,
soon cut off all communication with the city by water. By the middle
of January the North River between New York and Paulus Hoeck could
be crossed on the ice by the heaviest cannon, and soon afterwards
" Provisions were transported upon Sleighs, and Detachments of Cavalry
marched from New York to Staten Island (11 Miles) upon the Ice." 1
The cold was not only intense but long continued. As a consequence,
fuel became so scarce in the city as to cause great anxiety. The wood
on hand rose to such a fabulous quotation, that the British Commandant
was forced to fix the maximum price at four pounds sterling per cord. So
limited was the supply, that at one time all the fuel belonging to the
army in the city was " 70 cords of Wood and 80 Chaldrons of Coal," a
and the Barrack Master was driven to " purchase a number of old Ships
and Hulks to be cut up " to warm the shivering army. 3 " The Raven,
A Brig & Schooner belonging to His Majesty," were devoted to this
purpose. This scarcity, and the consequent high price of fuel, added to
the urgent appeals of the British officers, with the offer of one dollar
per cord for cutting, stimulated many efforts to supply the garrison.
Whenever the scouting patriots were not too near, the Heights of
Bergen, covered as they were with a heavy growth of timber, were a
tempting field to the woodcutter. Paulus Hoeck as a depot, and its
garrison to supply covering parties to the woodsmen, were brought into
requisition. 4 With these shifts, and the aid which the tory inhabitants
of Bergen gave them, the British army passed the winter. But the

l62 THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

sufferings and annoyances already endured prompted early and abund-
ant provision against their recurrence. During the following summer the
crash of falling timber, under the sturdy strokes of the woodman's
axe, was a familiar and frequent sound from Fort Lee to Bergen
Point. The wood was thrown over the rocks or hauled to the shore to
be loaded on boats for transportation to the city, or stored at Paulus
Hoeck for the use of that garrison and to supply the New York market
when needed. The refugees and inhabitants of uncertain patriotism
were largely engaged in this business, and by it were at once enabled to
testify their loyalty to their king, and earn a livelihood for themselves.
But while the work was thus profitable both in a patriotic and personal
view, it was not wholly unattended with danger. The patriots of the
irregular as well as of the regular army, at uncertain and unexpected
times, overran this paradise of the woodchopper, rendered his pros-
pective profits in the business somewhat precarious, and now and then
abridged his personal ability to serve his king. This made necessary the
construction of redoubts and block-houses, into which the woodchopper
could retreat at night, and to which he could fly in case of attack bv
day. The attempt of General Wayne to destroy one of these block-
houses is the subject of my story.

On the New Jersey shore of the Hudson, directly opposite Eightieth
Street in the city of New York, is a ravine, through which furnishes a
very good pass from the river to the top of the heights. It also sup-
plies an easv grade for the hauling of wood from the swamps to the
landing on the shore. The soil and gravel carried by the water down
this ravine have formed a small plateau a little above the level of high
tide. The gorge is funnel-shaped, with the small end at the top of
the hill, and through it the water from the swamps on the high ground
flows to the river. Ascending this ravine the bearing is north, and thus
the land lying: on the northeast, or between the ew^e and the river
assumes an angle somewhat acute. The easterly or river side of this
triangle consists of the Palisades, which are precipitous, though at
this point broken and irregular. The southerly side is closed by the
ravine, with its rocky and precipitous bank, decreasing in height as it
ascends the mountain. These two sides are inaccessible to attack.
The third side of the triangle opens upon a level field on the top of the
mountain. Within this triangle, and thirty-three feet northeast of the bank
of the ravine, and eighty-seven feet northwest of the palisade on the river
side, stood the block-house. Its foundation was about fifteen feet square.
It was constructed of logs, in shape probably, like most structures of

THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT 163

the kind, and mounted two pieces of artillery. The traces of the
foundation as they exist at this time show the river side of the structure
to have stood on a line running northeast and southwest. The door,
and probably the only entrance, was on the southwest side and towards
the ravine. Fifty feet to the south of the block-house is a cleft in the
rock. This is twelve feet wide at the bottom, but narrows in the ascent
so as to admit the passage of only a single person. The bottom of the cleft
is thirty-eight feet below the level of the block-house, and forty-three
feet, horizontally measured, from the top. It offered the only entrance
into the works from the ravine or river side. Across the field in front,
and about sixty yards distant from the block-house, an abatis was con-
structed from the bluff on the river to the bluff on the ravine. It must
have been about two hundred and twenty-five feet in length. Within this
abatis, and probably extending from bluff to bluff, was a stockade, near
which was a parapet. The only entrance to the block-house through
the defences was " a subterraneous passage sufficient only for one man
to pass." Whether this " passage " refers to the cleft in the rock
already described or to one under the stockades is perhaps somewhat
doubtful. If to the latter, it is probable that the opening was to the left
of the block-house. This would give access to the brook further up the
gorge. But I am inclined to the opinion that the cleft in the rock was
the "subterraneous" entrance referred to. It was a natural passage,
one impossible to be passed if defended, and opening at the nearest
point to water for the garrison, and to the landing for communication
with New York, near the door of the block-house, and the only way of
escape towards Paulus Hoeck which Wayne was careful to cut off.

The construction of this work was due to an organized effort of a
few refugees to induce their compatriots " to be employed on ample
wages to cut fire wood for the use of his Majesties Garrison at New York."
Those inclined to engage in the enterprise under Tom Ward and others
were requested to call at the house of Jacob Jeralemon between the 19th
and Tuesday, the 25th day of April, 1780. On the latter day the oppor-
tunity to join the enterprise seems to have closed. There is no doubt
that a sufficient number were enrolled for the object contemplated, for
on the night of Wednesday, the 30th day of April, a body of refugees,
under Colonel Abraham Cuyler, who was in command (probably for the
reason that he outranked Ward), crossed the river and occupied the
ground. Apprehensive that they might be disturbed in their work,
General Pattison, then in command at New York, ordered Major
Lumm, then in command at Paulus Hoeck, to send one hundred men

164 THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

under a captain, at day-break of Thursday, May 1st, to take post on
these Heights for the purpose of covering Colonel Cuyler and his men. 6
It was at this time they began the construction of the works already
described. Besides the fortifications, a dock was constructed at the
mouth of the ravine, to facilitate the loading of the boats.

From this time until the 21st of the following July the refugees held
the place and proceeded with their work of cutting wood, and commit-
ting depredations on the people for miles around. The negroes of
Bergen County regarded this post as the gate through which they
might pass from slavery in New Jersey to freedom in the city of
New York. They improved every opportunity to secure this change
until they became a " burden to the Town," and the officer in charge
was requested by his superior to prevent them passing the North
River. 6 Where Colonel Cuyler was at the time of the attack, and why
he was absent, I do not know, but in his absence Captain Tom Ward,
subsequently of Fort Delancey, a refugee post on Bergen Neck, was
in command 7 with about seventy men.

The British army lay on the east side of the Hudson, their encamp-
ment extending as far up as Yonkers. While the position of the block-
house was of great strength, its design was not to offer obstinate or long-
continued resistance to hostile approach. It was for temporary safety
from the attacks of raiding parties of the patriots. More than in its
own strength the safety of the position lay in the proximity of the
British army. By crossing the river directly to the position immediate
relief could be given, while by passing lower down a body could pass
up the ravine of the Awiehaken and strike the rear of an attacking
force by way of Three Pigeons, English Neighborhood and Liberty
Pole. A source of yet greater danger to an attacking force lay in the
ease with which a body of the enemy could cross the river from Dobbs
Ferry to Closter, pass up the road there constructed, and by a short
march seize upon the New Bridge. This pass over the Hackensack
occupied, and the body marching below seizing the "Little Ferry," an
attacking force would be effectually entrapped, with no way of escape
except by cutting its way through the enemy.

At the time of the attack, which is the subject of this paper, Wash-
ington's headquarters were at the " Dey House " in Preakness, and
General Wayne's at Totowa, now Paterson. When and to whom first
occurred the thought of destroying the block-house it is quite impossible
to say. But there is no doubt that the aid and comfort which the
refugees were giving to the enemy in securing a vast quantity of fuel,

1 66 THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

and the number 01 cattle, owned by the farmers of Bergen County r
which were liable to capture by foraging parties, suggested the pro-
priety of breaking up this tory lodge, and driving the cattle into the
American camp. 8 The enterprise having been determined on, its
execution was entrusted to General Wayne. With his usual energy he
forthwith began to reconnoitre the ground and its approaches, to weigh
carefully the probabilities of the post being relieved from New York
City, and to prepare a warm reception for Clinton's grenadiers should
they attempt to reach the heights through the passes leading up from
the river.

Accompanied by Robert Erskine, Geographer of the Continental
army, Wayne visited Closter on the 17th of July, and carelully con-
sidered the possibilities of the British crossing the river from Phillips'
farm, and pushing on to New Bridge by way of Closter landing.
How near to Bull's Ferry he extended his examination of the ground
does not appear, but he was without doubt well acquainted with the
locality. On the 19th he submitted to the Commander-in-Chief a plan of
operations. On the following day this was approved, and he was
directed to proceed with the First and Second Pennsjdvania Brigades,
and Colonel Moylan's dragoons, " upon the execution of the business."
His cautious Chief suggested a mounted " patrol all night," to provide
against an ambuscade which the enemy might attempt, from informa-
tion received through their emissaries near the American lines. Immedi-
ately on receipt of this order, General Wayne directed Captain Zebulon
Pike to proceed with the horse under his command towards the lower
landing at Closter, where he was to keep a strict eye on the motions of
the enemy encamped on the opposite side of the river. Wayne was
apprehensive that they would cross in force and push on to New Bridge
for the purpose of cutting off his retreat. Captain Pike was to be on
the ground at " the first dawn of day," provide material for a fire, and
in case the enemy indicated an intention to land on the Jersey shore, to
"raise as large a smoke as possible on the summit of the hill" in the
rear. Expresses with full particulars in writing were to be despatched
to Wayne by way of the Liberty Pole.

With the force mentioned and four six-pounders belonging to
Colonel Proctor's artillery, in all about eighteen hundred men, Wayne
moved from his camp at Totowa at three o'clock in the afternoon of the
20th by the road leading to Hackensack. At nine in the evening he
arrived at the New Bridge. This was a little above the village, and was
the only bridge over the Hackensack River south of the old bridge.

THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT 167

Here he halted until one o'clock in the morning, when he again took up
his line of march on the road leading to the Liberty Pole, now Engle-
wood. To ensure the safety of the New Bridge and his line of retreat,
a field officer, with one hundred rank and file, properly officered, was
left at this point. The remainder of the force proceeded by way of
Liberty Pole and the road leading to Bergen to the road leading from
the latter, at what is now Leeonia, to Fort Lee. Here the Second
Brigade marched up the Fort Lee road to the Palisades ; the Sixth
Regiment to the lookout directly opposite to Spuyten Duyvel Creek,
the Seventh to Fort Lee to observe the motions of the enemy on York
Island. These two regiments lay concealed from observation, but ready
to meet the enemy should they land and enter the defiles. Lieutenant-
Colonel Harmer also posted a captain and forty men on the bank over-
looking the landing opposite to Spuyten Duyvel, while he, with the
remainder of his command, advanced southerly along the summit of the
mountain about one mile towards Fort Lee, so as to be in a position to
defend either place. Patrols were ordered to pass constantly between
these points. General Irvine, with the remainder of his (Second)
brigade, moved from Fort Lee on the mountain towards Bull's Ferry.
As he moved along he threw out a chain of flankers upon his right, to
beat up the enemy if, having scented the movement, they had prepared
an ambush. From Bull's Ferry he moved along the river at the foot of
the rocks and took a position on the plateau, near the landing, in order
to cut off the retreat of the garrison to the boats.

The First Brigade, under Colonel Humpton, with whom were also
General Wayne, Moylan's dragoons, and the artillery, moved along the
open road by way of English Neighborhood to Bull's Ferry. Before
leaving the old road, Wayne ordered Colonel Moylan to mount a foot
soldier behind each of his dragoons, and ride with all possible speed
towards Bergen. On arriving at the Three Pigeons, he left one or two
horsemen and some foot to take post at that place to cover him from
any attempt of the enemy by way of Weehawken. A detachment of
foot also marched to the same point to aid the cavalry in case of need.
With the remainder of his dragoons and mounted foot Colonel Moylan
proceeded to and occupied the fork of the road leading to Paulus
Hoeck and Bergen. This point was, in my opinion, on the top of
Weehawken Hill. Here the road divided, one leading to the town of
Bergen and Paulus Hoeck, and the other to Weehawken Ferry. By
occupying this position he was sure to intercept an enemy coming from
Paulus Hoeck or from New York by way of Weehawken. No evidence

l68 THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

has been found to justify a conclusion that the dragoons went nearer
Bergen on this occasion. And the fact that one month afterward
Bergen Neck was foraged of its cattle, seems to justify a belief that
they did not. So that the cattle collected and driven off in this expe-
dition must have been found between the present Union Hill and the
New Bridge. This finds corroboration in Major Andre's " Cow Chase/'
which as a whole may be regarded as more historial than poetical.

I under cover of th' attack

Whilst you are all at blows,

From English Neighb'rood and Tinack

Will drive away the cows.

On arriving near the block-house, at about ten o'clock in the morn-
ing, Wayne reconnoitered the works. The First Regiment was posted
in a hollow way about one hundred yards to the north of the block-
house ; the Second covered the artillery, and the Tenth occupied the
ravine to cut off the retreat of the garrison towards Paulus Hoeck. The
First and Tenth Regiments were ordered to keep up a constant fire into
the port-holes of the block-house to favor the advance of the artillery.
These dispositions having been made, at eleven o'clock the artillery
advanced to the medium distance of sixty yards from the block-house
and opened fire. Without intermission, the cannonade was kept up until
a quarter after twelve. During this time fifty-two shots penetrated the
front of the block-house, its two small guns were dismounted, and

Five Refugees ('tis true) were found,
Stiff on the block-house floor.

That any of the shot which penetrated the house passed through, I have
no other evidence than the fact that on the opposite side of the ravine
two six-pound shot have recently been found, and the following stanza
from the " Cow Chase : "

No shot could pass, if you will take
The Gen'ral's Word for true ;
But 'tis a d — ble Mistake,
For every Shot went thro'.

But the refugees stationed in different parts of their defences main-
tained a stubborn resistance, and fired upon the assailants with telling
effect. At this point of time, Wayne received a despatch from Captain
Pike at Closter landing that the enemy at Valentine's Hill had embarked
about three thousand troops on board of nine ships, one schooner and
two sloops, and were beating down the river. Convinced of his inability
to destroy the block-house with the light guns he had, and expecting

THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT 1 69

the enemy to land on the Jersey shore for the purpose of reaching
the upland to attack him, or cut off his retreat, he convened a
council of war on the field. This body soon arrived at the con-
clusion to retreat without delay. Wayne immediately sent word to
Colonel Moylan to drive off the cattle from the Three Pigeons
and proceed with all despatch to the Liberty Pole. When the troops,
however, comprehended the situation and that they were to retreat,
leaving the works undestroyed and the garrison uncaptured, the
First Regiment left the hollow in which they had awaited the effect
of the artillery fire, and with impetuosity, broke through the abatis and
rushed up to the stockade. The Second caught the enthusiasm and
also rushed forward. The Tenth, being in the ravine, and General
Irvine's troops, being below the rocks along the river, were unable to
advance. It was at this juncture that the heavy losses of the day
occurred. The attacking force was unable to pass the stockade. This
being within easy musket range of the block-house, the refugees, firing
through the loop-holes, deliberately shot down the baffled troops. After
considerable effort of the officers to withdraw their troops they fell
back, and with the artillery moved up towards Fort Lee and Closter to
meet the enemy should the)' attempt to land. This, however, was not
attempted. After destroying some wood-boats at the landing near the
mouth of the ravine, and capturing the deck-hands and cabin-boys, the
disappointed troops marched back to New Bridge, taking with them
the killed and wounded, except three who lay dead under the stockade.
General Wayne remained at New Bridge that night, and reached his
headquarters at Totowa on the following day.

The results of this expedition were not gratifying to the Amer-
icans. They drove off, between the Three Pigeons and New Bridge,
" several hundred quadrupeds, consisting of horses, horned cattle,
sheep and hogs;" or as Major Andre- described it:

All in a cloud of dust were seen
The sheep, the horse, the goat,
The gentle Heifer, a,s obscene,
The Yearling and the shoat.

They captured a few men in charge of the wood-boats at the landing,
and burned the boats. They killed six and wounded fifteen refugees.
Nothing more than this was accomplished, notwithstanding the com-
paratively large force employed, the labor performed and the bravery
exhibited. But as a set-off to these meagre results were the works at
the post undestroyed, fifteen killed and forty-nine wounded. The

170 THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

failure produced a keen and deep-felt mortification. Washington deeply
regretted the misfortune, and hastened to explain away its bad effect
upon Congress. General Wayne spoke of the attack as only a ruse to
draw the enemy over to the Jersey shore, that he might cut them to
pieces in the gorges of the mountain. He afterwards assigned another
object to the expedition, in which he claimed to have been successful,
but which to me seems an afterthought, viz., to prevent, or at least
delay, the British sailing from New York to attack the French, then
recently arrived at Newport, yet all of these ideas may naturally have
made part of the general combination to keep the British force at New
York alarmed and on the alert.

To add yet a keener pang to the mortification of failure, the enemy
indulged in great exultation. In their sarcasm it did not require the
trained soldiers of the King to rout the " rebels " with the hero of
Stony Point at their head — a few mercenary wood-choppers were able to
withstand the flower of the American army, although about twenty-
five times their number. Sir Henry Clinton testified to them " his very
particular Acknowledgement of their Merit." The King of Great
Britain acquainted " the survivors of the brave seventy that their beha-
vior is approved of by their Sovereign," and characterized their resist-
ance as a "very extraordinary instance of courage." A sarcastic notice
was published in Rivington Gazette of July 28, 1780:

" A lady presents her compliments to the Sir Clement of the Phila-
delphia Ball Room, and desires the next country dance may commence
with a new movement, called

A Trip to the Block-House,

or the

Woodcutters' Triumph,

in compliment to a certain General, who (emulating his brother Arnold)
was lately checked on the North River by a malheureuse event, and his
glories (now on the Wane) threatened with an insuperable mortifi-
cation." The most keen and clever satire of the expedition was
the mock heroic poem, by Major Andre, called "The Cow Chase."
But notwithstanding all this rejoicing, the Refugees did not care to
try the experiment of another attack. They had been saved, not
through their own prowess, but through a mistake in attacking them
with such light guns. On the 9t.l1 of August following they evacuated
the place, burnt the block-house, and retired to Fort Delancey, on
Bergen Neck.

WEST OF THE HUDSON, FROM CLOSTER TO PAULUS HOOK.

172

THE AFFAIR AT BLOCK-HOUSE POINT

Thus ends the story of Wayne's attack on the block-house, near
Bull's Ferry, July 21, 1780. What little glory is derivable from it does
not belong to the American side. It is true, while they were Loyalists
in sentiment, the Refugees were American born. The only comfort the
patriots could derive from repulse was found in the fact that they were
so manfully withstood by Refugees and not by the British. If when
Greek meets Greek in the tug of war, the glory of triumph belongs
alike to victor and vanquished, then the patriots could insist upon their
right to a share of what the Refugees claimed for themselves for the
stubborn defence of their works. Viewed in any other light, they were
entitled to but little credit for the labors and sacrifices of that day.
Block-House Point did not add freshness to the laurels which Stony
Point had placed upon the brow of General Wayne.

Jersey City.

CHARLES H. WINFIELD

1 N. Y. Historical Society Collections, 1875, 152. 2 Ibid., 318. 3 Ibid., 340. 4 Ibid., 364.
5 Ibid., 391. 6 Ibid., 397. ' Ibid., 413.

8 In a letter, dated " near the Liberty Pole, Bergen County, August 26th, 1780," Washington
writes to Governor Livingston : " Our extreme distress for want of provision makes me desirous
of lessening the consumption as much as possible. Some brigades of the army have been five
days without meat. To endeavor to relieve their wants by stripping the lower part of the county
of its cattle, I moved two days ago to this place, and yesterday completely foraged Barbadoes and
Bergen Necks. Scarcely any cattle were found but milch cows and calves of one and two years
old, and even those in no great plenty." (New Jersey Revolutionary Correspondence, 254.) For
an interesting account of this foraging party, vide New York Journal, Sept. 11, 1780, and Win-
field's History of Hudson County, 183.

PLAN OF ATTACK ON THE BLOCK HOUSE.

APPENDIX

173

ORGANIZATION OF THE WOOD CUTTERS

Notice to Refugees and others. That are in-
clined to be employed on ample wages to cut
Fire Wood, for the use of his Majesty's Garri-
son at New York, under the direction of Capt.
Thomas Ward, David Babcock, John Everet
and Philip Luke, Loyal Refugees, are desired
to call between the date hereof, and Tuesday
the 25th instant, at the house of Jacob Jerale-
mon, Inn-Keeper, joining the Tea-Water Pump,
where attendance will be given at all times by
the above named persons.

New York, April 19, 17S0.

\Rivingtori 's Gazette, April 22, 17S0.]

Sii

GENERAL PATTISON TO MAJOR LUMM.

New York, April 30, 1780.

You will be pleased to order a Detachment of
a Captain and 100 Men, from the Garrison at
Paulis Hook to march from thence to-morrow
Morning at Day break, with One days Provi-
sions. — This Detachment will proceed upon the
Road leading to the English Neighbourhood,
and the Commanding Officer will take Post
upon the Heights, half a Mile below Bulls
Ferry, upon the North River, in such manner
as will most effectually cover a Body of Ref-
ugees under Col. Cuyler, who are to take Post
and establish themselves, at the Place above
mentioned this Night, in order to cut wood for
the Army. The distance from Paulis Hook is
Eight Miles. The Detachment will remain till
Sun Set and then return to their Quarters, and
the Officer Commanding the Party will com-
municate with Mr. Cuyler in such manner, as
may most effectually tend to forward this Ser-
vice.

I have only further to observe that Mr. Cuyler
is not to be understood as having any Military
Rank upon this Occasion.

\N, Y. Historical Society Collections, 1875. J

GENERAL WAYNE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Totowa, 1 8th July, 1780.
In obedience to your Excellency's orders I

proceeded with Mr. Erskine to reconnoitre the
landing places from Closter to Dobbs's Ferry,
and found the following viz : —

Closter landing situate about six or seven
miles above Fort Lee — and a little south of
Phillips's was formerly made use of by the
Inhabitants in its vicinity, and rendered practi-
cable for two horse sleds, from the Declivity of
the mountains to the river is about one half of a
mile which is too steep and narrow to admit of
Common Carriages — the descent being equal to
one foot in five on an average — nor is there
a sufficient area at the Dock to turn a team, or
lodge stores upon — notwithstanding this the
enemy found means to carry up a few light
field pieces in H — but from experience I know
that Artillery can be conveyed by manual labor
over precipices and thro defiles impracticable for
Horses and waggons which must have been
the case here.

This road is at present obstructed by felled
trees and large rocks so that nothing but single
footmen can pass and that with difficulty, — A
few infantry might defend the avenue — yet it
will not afford a proper position to erect a
Battery to cover the landing from the Insult of
shipping.

The next is called Closter Dock — about a mile
and a half higher up the river, and a little
North of Phillips's, this road is also Im-
practicable for waggons part of the way form-
ing an angle of near 20 degrees decent — but as
a Military position much superior to the first —
between this and Dobbs's is another landing,
less practicable than either of these.

Our next object was Dobbs's ferry which
affords an easy and safe carriage, the roads
leading to it from Closter, Paramus, &c, —
being very level and with a little improve-
ment may be made excellent — there are six
months men under Captains Laurence, and
Blanck, at Tappan and Closter sufficient for
the purpose.

The ground on the West side of the river is
favorable for Batteries against shipping — an
attempt was made by the enemies Gallies to
annoy the ferry way in 177S — when they soon
found it expedient to fall down the river on re-

174

APPENDIX

ceiving a few shot from a little work thrown up
in haste to cover the landing — as noted on the
enclosed sketch.

Data for ascertaining the width of the North River at
Dobbs's Ferry, taken with a theodolite, July 17th, 1780,
by Robt Erskine, F. R. S. Geogr. A. U. S. [From a draft
in Department 0/ State, Washington."]*

There are two small eminencies one on the
North the other on the South side the road
which with a Block-house and Captains com-
mand in each, would effectually cover the
Battery from any attempt by land unless accom-
panied by Artillery and in-force.

* The original draft of this sketch is in the New York
Historical Society Collections, but there is no site of any
forts indicated upon it.

The east side is also favorable for Batteries
to cover the landing — And immediately to the
S, E. is a hill or strong rising ground command-
ing all the country within reach of cannon shot,
and may be rendered a safe repositary for the
stores when landed.

The inclosed sketch will show respective posi-
tions alluded to with the width of the River at
Dobbs's.

I must beg leave to refer you to Mr. Erskine
for the state of the roads and their distances.

Interim, I am your Excellincy's most obedient
and very Humble Servant.

Anty Wayne

N. B. There is a very fine forage country
in the vicinity of Dobbs's, the owners chiefly
Caitiffs.
His Excellency

Genl. Washington.

[From original in Department of State, Wash-
ington^

GEN. WASHINGTON TO GEN. WAYNE

Head Quarters Colonel Dey's
20 July, 1780
Dear Sir,

You will proceed with the first and second
Pennsylvania brigades, and Colonel Moylan's
regiment of dragoons, upon the execution of
the business planned in yours of yesterday. I
do not at present think of any necessary altera-
tion, except that of detaching a few horse this
afternoon to patrol all night, and to see that the
enemy do not, in the course of the night, throw
over any troops to form an ambuscade. They
need not go so low down, nor in such numbers,
as to create any alarm. They may inquire as
they go for deserters, after whom they may say
they are in pursuit. The enemy have so many
emissaries among us, that scarce a move or an
order passes unnoticed. You are so well ac-
quainted with the critical situation of the
ground, that it is needless in me to recommend
the extreme of caution. I most heartily wish
you success, being, with real esteem, &c. —
[Sparks* Writings of Washington, VII., 115.]

APPENDIX

1/5

GENERAL WAYNE TO [-

Totoway 20th July 17S0.
Dear Sir :

You will proceed with the horse under your
command towards the lower landing at Closter,
so as to be certain of arriving on the lookout
tomorrow morning by the first dawn of day —
where you will keep the strictest eye on the mo-
tions of the enemy, encamped on Voluntine's
hill, and near Phillips's, — should you discover
an attempt in them to effect a landing on this
side the North river you will immediately raise
as large a smoke as possible on the summit of
the hill in your rear keeping it up as long as the
enemy continues to cross for which purpose you'l
prepare fuel and materials the instant you ar-
rive on the ground.

You will also despatch two or more trusty
horsemen with the particular intelligence in
writing of the numbers &c, that embark, the
moment they get on board the boats, — they are
to push with all possible despatch by the Lib-
erty Pole towards Bull's ferry where I will be
found.

You are to call on Captain Blanck of the six
months men to join you with his company, and
all the malitia he can collect, and shou'd the
enemy attempt a landing you and he are to give
them every possible opposition — the defiles
thro' which they must pass to gain the hill will
be very favorable for the purpose— and if prop-
erly defended may oblige the enemy to retire
and reflect lasting honor on the troops that op-
pose them. As the safety of the whole Division
and horse greatly depend on a strict observance
of every part of these orders I am confident
they will be carried into execution.

You will retire tomorrow evening to the new
bridge giving Captain Blanck directions to send
to that place, if he should make any discoveries
after you leave him.

Interim, I am your most obt Huml Servant
Anty Wayne

[From original in Department of State, iVas/i-
ington.\

Note. — No address to this letter is given. It was
probably written to Colonel Moylan, possibly to Capt.
Pike, who, on the following day, reported to Wayne from
the place indicated.

gen. wayne's division orders
After Orders New Bridge,

12 o'clock 21st 1780

A field officer with two companies or one
hund. Rank and file properly officered to take
post at this place, which if attacked in the ab-
sence of the Division, must be defended to the
last extremity.

The Sixth Regiment will advance to the look-
out immediately opposite, Spiken-devel Creek
or Kings Bridge — the seventh to Fort Lee in
order to observe the motions of the enemy on
York Island ; The Officers and men will secrete
themselves so as not to be observed from the
opposite side the River —

Lieut. Col. Harmer will leave a Capt. and
forty men on the bank overlooking the landing
place, in order to defend that defile — whilst he
with the remainder advances along the summit
of the mountain about one mile lower down be-
tween that and Fort Lee, so as to be in a posi-
tion to move to either place or point in case the
enemy attempt a landing, but the Capt's com-
mand must continue in the post assigned him at
all events, —

Patroles to pass constantly between the posts
and up the river, should the commanding officer
observe the enemy embarking — they are to send
immediate notice to Genl. Wayne towards Bull's
ferry, and to make every possible opposition,
when the enemy begins to ascend the Hill, and
as the situation of these Regiments will admit
of Acting in Conjunction in case of necessity ;
the General has the fullest confidence that they
will maintain the posts assigned them ; and
at the point of the Bayonet, meet the enemy in
the gorge of the Defiles and dispute that ground
at every expence of blood until the arrival of
the Division when they may be assured of
effectual support and in all human probability
of a glorious victory.

General Irvine with the remainder of his
Brigade, will move by fort Lee on the sum-
mit of the mountain for Bull's ferry and endea-
vor to introduce a sufficient number of men
between the Block-house and the River if practi-
cable so as to prevent the retreat of the garri-

176

APPENDIX

son, great caution must be observed on this route
least the Troops may be drawn into an ambush,
should that be the case the Bayonet will be their
true resort — Which they will use with a confi-
dence of being vigorously supported by the first
Penns. Brigade, moving parallel with them —
attended by Colo. Moylan's Dragoons and the
Artillery along the open road — Genl. Irvine will
direct a chain of flankers to observe the advance
of the right column, the situation of the ground
being favorable for it — if he makes any material
discovery he will be so obliging as to communi-
cate it — the soonest possible —

A Detachment from the first will prevent the
retreat of the Refugees towards Paulers hook,
Whilst this is performing, the Artillery will be
preparing to demolish the Block House.

Every precaution will be used to guard against
any serious consequences from up the river, and
should the enemy be hardy enough to attempt
the relief of this Post from Fort Washington it
may add never faiding laurels to troops which
has always stept the first for Glory, and who has
everything to expect from victory — nothing to
dread from disgrace, for altho it is not in their
power to command success, the General is well
assured they will produce a conviction to the
world that they deserve it.

\From original in Department of State, Wash-
ington^

Note. — The above order was issued by General Wayne
at 12 o'clock in the night between the 20th and 21st of
July.

GENERAL WAYNE TO COLONEL MOYLAN

July 21st 1780.
Dear Sir :

After mounting a footman behind each Dra-
goon you will proceed as fast as possible towards
Bergen town — when you arrive at the Pigeon —
you will leave one or two trusty horsemen, and
as many foot as you think proper in order to
cover you from any attempt of the Enemy by
Wehoek route. —

Altho. its of consequence to drive off as many
cattle as possible — yet I do not wish you to
commit yourself too much.

A party of foot will advance towards the
Pigeon to cover you in case you are pushed —
shou'd that event happen your own good judg-
ment will govern your retrograde manouvre.

If a movement of the enemy up the river
renders a retreat necessary, I will find means of
giving you the earliest intellegence.

You will oblige the inhabitants to serve as
Guides, letting them know the consequences
of a deception.

I wish you success and am with much esteem
Yours most affect.
[Anty Wayne]

\From original in Department of State, Wash-
ington. ~\

Note. — This order must have been given in the morn-
ing, before the attack was begun, probably before the
first Brigade left the main road at English Neighbor-
hood.

CAPTAIN PIKE TO GENERAL WAYNE

At the New Dock of Closter.
July 21, 1780.
Dear General.

The Enemy Agreeable to a rough calcula-
tion has embarked (on board nine ships, one
schooner and two sloops) about three thous-
and Troops, and are now under way beat-
ing down towards New York, they appear to
have left a small encampment near Phillips
House but perhaps not many, Troops now there
may be necessary to forwd on the remains of
their Baggage, if any there be, there has several
small vessels such as sloops and schooners gone
up this day and lay near Phillips's House which
possibly they mean to embark the remainder of
their troops & Baggage on board, off — the move-
ments of their Troops, of the Manor, appears
to be very Genl.

I am with Respect your most obd. servant.

Zeb. Pike.

To Genl. Wayne.

\_From original in Department of State, Wash-
ington.]

AITENDIX

^77

GENERAL WAYNE TO COLONEL MOYLAN

July 21st, 12 o'clock.
Circumstances render expedition necessary
therefore begin to drive the cattle from Three
Pigeons — this may be done with the horse only.
You will proceed with all possible despatch to
the Liberty Pole. We will cover your rear.
Yours most Sincerely

Anty Wayne
To Colonel Moylan

[From original in State Department, Washing-
ton^

GEN. CLINTON S THANKS TO THE REFUGEES

Headquarters July 21, 1780
Sir.

The Commander in Chief admiring the Gal-
lantry of the Refugees, who in such small
Numbers defended their Post against so very
considerable a Corps and withstood both their
Cannonade and Assault ; desires his very par-
ticular Acknowledgement of their Merit may be
testified to them.

His Excellency requests you will give in a
Return of the Numbers present at this spirited
Defense, that he may give Directions for
uniform, Cloathing and Hats being given them
from the Inspector General's Office.

In future your Requisition of Ammunition will
be valid with the Ordinance
I have the Honor to be

Sir. Your most Obedient

and most humble Servant

John Andre
D. A. G.
\Rivington s Gazette, July 26, 1780.]
Note. — The above approbation was signified to Colonel
Cuyler, by the Adjutant General.

XI
GENERAL WAYNE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON

New Bridge 9 o'clock P. M. 21 July 1780.
Dear General

Being convinced that our field-pieces were too
light to make the wished impression on the
block-house by Bull's Ferry, from an ex-

perience of more than an hour (at no greater
distance than from fifty to seventy yards),
during which time both officers and men
evinced a degree of bravery seldom equalled,
but never excelled ; and seeing the enemy in
motion on York Island, and their shipping un-
der way, together with certain accounts of the
embarking of a very large body of troops from
Valentine's Hill, it was unanimously determined,
in a Council of War on the field, to withdraw
the artillery, and fall back by easy degrees to
this place, to prevent the disagreeable con-
sequences of being shut up in Bergen Neck.
We accordingly moved off, after burning the
flats and boats lying at the landing, and driving
the cattle from that country, which was part of
our plan. Our loss is from fifty to sixty killed
and wounded, whom we carried off, without the
least molestation. I will have the honor of
transmitting to Your Excellency the particulars
tomorrow.

I think it my duty to mention, that the enemy
are in full motion on the North River, chief part
of their troops embarked. As they have com-
pleted their foraging in the East and West-
chester, may not good policy induce them to
take post between the Liberty Pole and this
place, in order to render that essential article
very difficult for your Excellency to procure, in
case of a sieg ? I will shift my ground about
two in the morning, and fall back towards the
camp.

[Spares' Correspondence of the Revolution, II 7,
34-]

XII
CAPTAIN PRICE TO GENERAL WAYNE

Camp Totawa July the 22d
Dr. General,

Enclosed I have sent you return of the killed
and wounded of the Artillery detached to first
and second Pennsya. Brigades —

I am sorry every thing was not done that was
expected from the Artillery in the attack
on the Block House yesterday. I believe you
are convinced it was impossible for men to do
more than was done both by men and officers
but the loggs were so thick that it is impossible
for six pounders to penetrate them and inconse-

i;8

APPENDIX

quence rendered it impossible for us to demolish
it, if we had twelve or eighteen pounders in-
stead of six we would have completed the busi-
ness.

I have the honor to be with respect your very
Hm. Servt;

Jos. Price.
The Honorable Genl. Wayne

[enclosure)
Return of the Killed and Wounded of that part

of the Pennsylvania Troops engaged at the

Block House at Bulls Ferry on the 2ist July

1780—

Proctors Artillery — Wounded, I Corporal, I
Bombardier, 2 Gunners, 8 Matrosses.

Detached Party of the first Regt. — Killed, 2
Serjeants & 8 Rank & File ; Wounded, Lieut.
Hammond, Lieut. Crawford, 2 Serjeants, and
24 Rank & File.

Second Regt. — Killed, I Serjeant & 4 Rank
& File ; Wounded, Lieut. De Hart and 3 Rank
and File.

Detached Party of the Tenth Regt.—
Wounded, 1 Serjeant and 4 Rank and File.

Artillery — Total Wounded, . .12

Infantry— Total Killed, . . .15

" Total Wounded, . . 37

Total Artillery & Infantry Killed &
Wounded, ... . . 64
Jos Harmar Lt Col

XIII
GENERAL WAYNE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON
Totowa 22 July, 1780
Dear General,

In pursuance of the plan, which your Excel-
lency was pleased to adopt, the first and second
Pennsylvania brigades with four pieces of artil-
lery belonging to Colonel Proctor's regiment,
and Colonel Moylan's dragoons, took up their
line of march on the 20th, at three o'clock P. M.
and arrived, a little irj the rear of New Bridge,
at nine in the evening. We moved again at one
in the morning, in order to occupy the ground
in the vicinity of Fort Lee and the landing op-

posite King's Bridge, by the dawn of day ; and
agreeably to the inclosed order, we advanced
towards Bull's Ferry, — General Irvine, with part
of his brigade, along the summit of the moun-
tain, and the first brigade, under Colonel Hump-
ton, with the artillery and Colonel Moylan's
horse, on the common road. About ten o'clock,
part of the first brigade had reached that place.
Colonel Moylan with the horse, and a detach-
ment of infantry, remained at the fork #f the
road leading to Paulus Hook and Bergen, to re-
ceive the enemy, if they attempted any thing
from that quarter.

On reconnoitering the refugee Post, near
Bull's Ferry, we found it to consist of a block-
house, surrounded by an abatis, and stockade to
the perpendicular rocks next the North River,
with a kind of ditch or parapet, serving as a
covered way. By this time we could discover
the enemy in motion on York Island, which be-
gan to open a prospect of our plan taking a full
effect. General Irvine was directed to halt in a
position from which he could move to any point
where the enemy should attempt to land, either
in the vicinity of this post or Fort Lee, where
the sixth and seventh regiments were previously
concealed, with orders to wait the landing of
the enemy, and then, at the point of the bayo-
net, to dispute the pass in the gorge of the
mountain, at every expense of blood, until sup-
ported by General Irvine, and the remainder of
the troops.

The first regiment was posted in a hollow way
on the north side of the block-house, and the
tenth in another hollow on the south, with or-
ders to keep up a constant fire into the port-
holes, to favor the advance of the artillery,
which was covered by the second regiment.
When the four field-pieces belonging to Colonel
Proctor's Regiment arrived at the medium dis-
tance of sixty yards, they commenced a con-
stant fire, which was returned by the enemy,
and continued without intermission from eleven
until a quarter after twelve o'clock. By that
time we received expresses from Closter, that
the enemy were embarking their troops from
Valentine's Hill* at Phillips Landing. We also

* Valentine's Hill was the residence of Thomas
Valentine, about two and a half miles below Yonkers.

APPENDIX

1 79

saw many vessels and boats moving up with
troops from New York, which made it necessary
to relinquish a lesser for a much greater object,
that is, drawing the enemy over toward the posts
already mentioned, and deciding the fortune of
the day in the defiles through which they must
pass before they could gain possession of the
strong grounds.

In the interim we found that our artillery had
made but little impression, although well and
gallantly served, the metal not being of sufficient
weight to traverse the logs of the block-house ;
but when the troops understood that they were
to be drawn off, such was the enthusiastic
bravery of all ranks of officers and men, that the
first regiment, no longer capable of restraint,
rather than leave a post in the rear, rushed with
impetuosity over the abatis, and advanced to the
stockades, from which they were with difficulty
withdrawn, although they had no means of
forcing an entry. The contagion spread to the
second ; but by very great efforts of the officers
cf both regiments, they were at last restrained,
not without the loss of some gallant officers
wounded and some brave men killed. Happy
it was that the ground would not admit of the
further advance of the tenth regiment, and that
the situation of General Irvine's brigade pre-
vented them from experiencing a loss propor-
tioned to those immediately engaged (as the
same gallant spirit pervaded the whole), which
might be a means of frustrating our main
object, by incumbering us with too many
wounded.

The artillery was, therefore, drawn off, and
forwarded towards the wished-for point of action.
The killed and wounded were all moved away,
except three, that lay dead under the stockades.
During this period, Colonel Moylan's horse
drove the cattle &c. from Bergen up towards
the Liberty Pole, whilst a detachment of in-
fantry destroyed the sloops and wood-boats at
the landing, in which were taken a Captain
and mate, with two sailors. Some others
were killed whilst attempting to escape by
swimming. Having thus effected part of our
plan, we pushed forward to oppose the troops
from Valentine's Hill that we expected to land
at the nearest point to New Bridge. If effected,
we were determined to drive them back, or to

cut our way through ; but in this project we
were disappointed; the enemy thought proper to
remain in a less hostile position than that of the
Jersey shore. We therefore passed the New
Bridge, and, by easy degrees returned to this
place about an hour ago.

Inclosed is a copy of the orders of the 20th
together with a return of the killed and wounded,
64 in number, among whom are Lieutenants
Hammond and Crawford, of the first, and Lieu-
tenant Dehart of the second, all very worthy offi-
cers ; the latter mortally wounded.

I cannot attempt to discriminate between
officers, regiments, or corps, who, with equal
opportunity, would have acted with equal forti-
tude. Should my conduct, and that of the
troops under my command, meet your Excellen-
cy's approbation, it will much alleviate the pain
I experience in not having it in my power to
carry the whole of the plan into execution, which
was only prevented by the most malicious
fortune.

{Correspondence of the Revolution, III., 37.
The Casket of 1829, ///., 396.]

____ /

XIV
GEN. WAYNE'S DIVISION ORDERS

July 23d, 1780
It is with infinite pleasure that General
Wayne acknowledges to the worthy officers and
soldiers under his command since the 20th inst.,
that he never saw more true fortitude than that
exhibited on the 21st by the troops immediately
at the point of action — Such was the enthusias-
tic bravery of all ranks of officers and men that
the 1st regt, no longer capable of restraint,
rushed with impetuosity over the Abattis and
up to the Stockades, from which they were with
difficulty withdrawn ; the contagion spread to
the 2d — but by the united efforts of the field
and other officers of each regt, they were at last
restrained. The General fortunately would not
admit of the further advance of the 10th & the
situation of General Irvine's & the other troops,
prevented them from experiencing some loss of
men ; as the same gallant Spirit pervaded the
whole, they very probably would have shown
the same eager desire for close action. The
Block-house was only a secondary Object, Sc

i8o

APPENDIX

to serve as a line to draw the enemy across the
river, & to afford us an opportunity of deciding
the fate of the day in the defiles through which
they might pass before they could possess the
strong ground. At 12 o'Clock the affairs as-
sumed a pleasing aspect — By intelligence from
Closter that the British were embarking at
Phillips & falling down the river towards Fort
Lee, where the 6th & 7th regts were posted with
orders to secrete themselves, and after the enemy
landed to meet them in the gorge of the moun-
tain & dispute the pass with the point of the
Bayonet at every expence of blood, untill Gene-
ral Irvine with the 2d, and Colonel Humpton
with the first Brigades would arrive to support
them. So that there ought to be no difficulty in
giving up a small object for one that was capital.
Indeed, had the artillery been of sufficient
caliber, the brave officers & men who conducted
them would have succeeded in the reduction of
the block-house by a constant fire of more than
one hour, within the medium distance of 60
yards, & not be under the disagreeable accusa-
tion of leaving a post unreduced behind them ;
this being too trifling an affair to attend to any
longer, when a more ample and glorious pros-
pect was before us, but in this we have been
disappointed as the enemy prudently chose to
remain in a less hostile position than that of
the Jersey shore.

The General cannot attempt to discriminate
between officers, Regts or Corps, who with equal
opportunity would have acted with equal Forti-
tude — & he fondly hopes that day is not far dis-
tant, when the prowess of those troops will be
acknowledged by the European & American
World.

By order of General Wayne

B. FlSHBOURN

A. Camp
[Pennsylvania Archives, VIII. , 452.]

XV
GENERAL IRVINE TO CAPT. TRUMBULL

Camp, July 23d, 80
Sir:

I am perfectly convinced that so far from any
thing being wanting in the officers and the men

of the Artillery at the attack on the Blockhouse
that I think it would have been impossible for
men to have behaved better. Give me leave to
assure you that I am of opinion, their conduct
on that occasion presages happier efforts in the
future.

I wish you to have your expenditures of Com-
mutation replaced as soon as possible, but as to
the quantity & quality I leave that to you.
I am Sir

Yr obt St

W. Irvine
Captain Trumbull

[From the original in possession of Dr. W. A.
Irvine. \

XVI

GENERAL WAYNE TO COLONELS DELANY AND
JOHNSTON

Totoway 26 July 1780
Dear Colonels

You have undoubtedly heard of our march
to Bergen, but as ignorance, malice or envy,
aided by the tongue of slander, may attempt to
misrepresent that affair, I shall just mention
the objects in view, viz. : to drive the stock
out of Bergen Neck ; to prevent the enemy
from receiving constant supplies from that
quarter, and in case of a siege to secure to our
own use those cattle which they would carry
into New York. One other was the destruction
of the Refugee Post near Bull's Ferry, consist-
ing of a Block-House, surrounded by a stockade
and abbatis, with a ditch or parapet serving as a
covered way, garrisoned by refugees, tories, and
all the banditti, and robbers and horse thieves
of that country, with some pieces of artillery.
But the grand object was to draw the army
which General Clinton brought from Charleston,
made up of grenadiers, guards and light infan-
try, into the defiles of the mountain in the vicin-
ity of Fort Lee. where we expected them to
land, in order to succour the Refugee post, or to
endeavor to cut off our retreat to New Bridge ;
the object to them was great ; the lure appeared
to take ; three thousand British embarked at

APPENDIX

181

Phillips's and fell down opposite the landings,
where the sixth and seventh regiments were
posted with orders to secrete themselves until
the enemy had debarked, and then to meet them
in the gorge of the defiles, and with the point of
the bayonet to dispute the pass at every expense
of blood, until the arrival of the first and second
brigades, which would place the British boys be-
tween three such fires, aided by the bayonet, too
much for human firmness to withstand ; but
these gentry prudently remained onboard, which
was a less hostile position than that of the Jer-
sey shore. I may now with safety mention, that
one object, not the least, was to divert their at-
tention from a meditated attempt upon Rhode
Island, in a combined attack by land and water
on the French fleet and army at that place. Six
thousand men were actually embarked, who
have been delayed by this manouvre four
days, a circumstance which will render their
meditated attack wholly abortive. I always had
the highest opinion of the Pennsylvania troops,
if it were possible, on this occasion they would
have increased my admiration.

Tell Mrs Delaney and Mrs Peters that of
equal rank no country or service can produce a
more worthy officer than their brother, Lieuten-
ant Colonel Robinson ; if he has a fault, it is
extreme excess of bravery. He commanded the
first regiment that day ; his horse was wounded
under him in two places, and his coat riddled by
musket balls and buckshot ; he has deservedly
become the idol of his soldiers.

[The Casket (Sept., 1829), ///., 397.]

XVII
GENERAL WAYNE TO PRESIDENT REED

. Totoway 26 July 1780
Dr Sir,

You have undoubtedly heard of our tour to
Bergen, but it is a duty I owe to you, the troops
i commanded & to myself, to make you ac-
quainted with the objects of that expedition,
lest the envy, Malice, or tongue of Slander
should attempt to misrepresent that affair.

One was to take all the stock out of Bergen

neck to prevent the enemy from receiving con-
stant supplies from the Inhabitants out of that
Quarter, and in case of a siege to secure to their
own use those Cattle that they would Inevitably
carry into New York, another was the Destruc-
tion of a post near Bull's ferry consisting of a
Block-House, surrounded by a strong Stockade,
and abattis, Garrisoned by the Refugees & a
wretched banditti of Robbers, horse thieves, &c.

But the Grand Object was to draw the army
which Sir Henry Clinton brought from Charles
town into action in the Defiles of the Mountain
in the Vicinity of Fort Lee, where we expected
them to Land in order to succour the refugee post,
and to endeavour to cut off our retreat to the Lib-
erty Pole & New Bridge, the apparant object to
them was great, and the lure had like to take
the wished effect. Three thousand men consist-
ing of the flower of the Brittish Army were
embarked from Phillips and stood down the
river hovering off the Landing near Fort Lee,
where the 6th & 7th Pennsy Regiments lay con-
cealed with directions to let them land unmo-
lested (giving me Intelligence of the attempt,) &
then to meet them in the Gorge of the Defile
and with the point of the Bayonet to dispute the
pass at every expense of blood, until the arrival
of the first and second Pennsy. Brigades when
we should put them between three such fires as
no human fortitude would withstand, and I may
now with safety mention that it was also de-
signed to divert their attention from a Medi-
tated attempt on Rhode Island by a combined
attack by Land and Water on the French
fleet & Army in that place, this has had the
effect by retarding them four days after they
had actually Embarked upwards of six thou-
sand men for that very purpose, it will there-
fore be too late to attempt anything at this
period as the french will be prepared for it.

Inclosed is the order of the 20th and 22d to
which and to the General's letter to Congress I
must refer you for particulars.

I always had the highest Opinion of the troops
but my most Sanguine wishes, fell far short of
the real fortitude, & bravery, which pervades the
whole, even the new recruits rushes on to
storm altho. not the object.

[Pennsylvania At chives VIII., 450.]

182

APPENDIX

XVIII

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF

CONGRESS.

Head Quarters, Bergen County,
July 26, 1780.
Sir :

Having received information that there were
considerable numbers of cattle and Horses in
Bergen Neck, within reach of the enemy and
having reason to suspect that they meant
shortly to draw all supplies of that kind with-
in their lines. I detached Brigadier General
Wayne, on the 20th, with the first and second
Pennsylvania Brigades, with four pieces of Ar-
tillery attached to them, and Colonel Moylan's
regiment of dragoons to bring them off. I had
it also in contemplation, to attempt, at the same
time, the destruction of a Block-house erected
at Bull's Ferry, which served the purposes of
covering the enemy's wood cutters, and giving
security to a body of Refugees, by whom it was
garrisoned, and who committed depredations
upon the well affected inhabitants for many
miles around.

General Wayne having disposed of his troops
in such a manner as to guard the different land-
ing places on the Bergen shore, upon which the
enemy might throw over troops from York
Island to intercept his retreat, and having
sent down the Cavalry to execute the business
of driving off the stock, proceeded with the first,
second and tenth regiments and the artillery to
the Block-house, which he found surrounded by
an abattis and stockade. He for sometime
tried the effect of his field pieces upon it, but
though the fire was kept up for an hour, they
were found too light to penetrate the logs of
which it was constructed. The troops, during
this time, being galled by a constant fire from
the loop holes of the house, and seeing no chance
of making a breach with cannon — those of the
first and second regiments, notwithstanding
the utmost efforts of the officers to restrain them,
rushed through the abattis to the foot of the
stockade, with a view of forcing an entrance,
which was found impracticable. This act of in-
temperate valor was the cause of the loss we
sustained, and which amounted in the whole to
three officers wounded, 15 non commissioned
and privates killed and 46 non commissioned

and privates wounded. The wounded officers,
are Lieutenants Hammond and Crawford of the
first and Lieutenant D. Heart of the second, the
last since dead. I cannot but mention his death
with regret, as he was a young gentleman of
amiable qualities, and who promised fair to be
serviceable to his country.

The dragoons in the meantime drove off the
stock which were found in the Neck ; the sloops
and wood boats in the dock near the block-house
were burnt and the few people on board them
made prisoners.

I have been thus particular, lest the account
of this affair should have reached Philadelphia
much exaggerated, as is commonly the case upon
such occasions.

[Pennsylvania Packet, Augtist 1, 1780.]

XIX
PRESIDENT REED TO GENERAL WAYNE

Philadelphia, Aug. 4, 1780
Dr Sir :

I duly received & thank you for your Favour
of the 26th July inclosing your Orders on the
late Excursion to Bergen. They have been
spoken of here much to your Honour & with
the gallant Behaviour of the Men shew that tho'
we did not meet with entire Success we de-
served it.

Neither the Objects of the Expedition, nor
the Conduct of it were fully understood here at
first & as often happens on such Occasions were
misrepresented, but a few Days & better In-
formation soon set the Matter right — if any
Doubts had remained the General's Letter
wiped them off, tho' in some Respects it tended
to make the Affair of the Block-House a more
important Business than it really was. As to
the Whispers of Envy & Malevolence of Slan-
der, you must, my dear Sir, submit in common
with your Fellow Men to a Share of them as the
Tax which Merit and Distinction must pay.
The World would be too estimable if every
Action was judged upon the Principles of Can-
dour & its due Worth assigned it unalloyed by
Jealousy & Uncharitableness. In one Respect
military merit is least subject to it than any
other, as it has Witnesses of Companions & the
Benefits arising to mankind from a conspicuous
Display of it are such that the World is ready

APPENDIX

183

to be its Friend for its own Interest. Should
you be called as probably you may to any dis-
tinguished Rank of civil Life you will find the
Arts of busy wicked Men more successful, and
not so easily detected or parried. Scarce a
week elapses but some wretched Falsehood takes
Wing with Respect to us, flutters about & dies,
when a new one more palatable & adapted to
the State of the Day arises which in its Turn
gives Way to a fresher. For a time I felt my-
self hurt & spent Time and Labour to counter-
act them, but I have long since learned that the
best Shield is Integrity & truest Remedy, Pa-
tience. I am informed that there has been
much Industry used this Spring & Summer in
Camp on this Score & that it is very frequent at
this Time. So much Pains to lessen me in the
Opinion of Mankind while I am pursuing dili-
gently the Interests of my Country with a single
disinterested View to its Success- in this great
Cause fully convinces me that there are some
Men who have different Intentions & who fear
honest Men on public Stations. I have at dif-
ferent Periods had my Passions worked upon,
my Interests assailed, splendid Prospects held
forth to engage me in the Views of Party & I
never experienced the full Weight of Enmity
till I had fully declined every Overture of this
Nature in such a Manner as left no Hope of
Success. However, I trust there is Virtue &
Discernment in the World sufficient to support 1
a Man in doing his Duty & that I have some
Friends who will judge upon facts not upon
Suggestions especially when they come thro' so
corrupt a Channel.

Fanner has Directions to purchase a red
Cloth for the Facings if to be had in Town &
they will be forwarded as soon as possible.
Lyttle has set out with supply of stores & a
good Stock of Shirts and Overalls — 2000 of each
which with what gets to you in other Direc-
tions will, I hope, prove a comfortable Supply.
Adieu, my best Wishes attend you, & I beg you
to believe me Very much

Your Sincere Friend & Obed
Hble Servt

Jos Reed

[From original in possession of Henry B.
Daws on. ~\

JOHN WALKER TO GENERAL WEEDON.

Philadelphia August 15,1780
General Wayne made an unsuccessful attempt
to storm a block-house of the enemy's at Bergen
a few days ago. The attack was made with the
utmost gallantry and the place would probably
have been carried, but no entrance could be
found, there being no other but a subterraneous
one. Our loss was sixty odd killed and wounded,
in exchange for which we got some hundreds of
bullocks. As much as we want beef this is but
bad exchange.

[Papers relating chiefly to the Maryland Line
during the Revolution, p. 114.]

XXI

- SIR HENRY CLINTON TO LORD GERMAIN

East Hampton, Suffolk Co., L. I.,
August 20 1780

I have the satisfaction of communicating to
your Lordship, an instance of courage, which
reflects the greatest honour on a small body of
the Refugees.

About Seventy of them had taken post on a
part of the opposite shore on the North River,
called Bull's Ferry, where they had fortified
themselves with a Block-house and Stockade, to
be protected in cutting wood, the labour they
were employed in for their maintenance.

A corps of near two thousand Rebels, under
their Generals Wayne, Irving and Proctor, with
seven pieces of cannon, made an attack upon
them on the 21st ult. Notwithstanding a
cannonade of three hours, almost every shot of
which penetrated, through the Block-house, and
an attempt to carry the place by assault, they
were repulsed by these brave men, with the loss
of a great many killed and wounded. The ex-
ertions of the Refugees did not cease : after
having resisted so great a force, they followed
the enemy, seized their stragglers and resetted
from them the cattle they were driving from the
neighbouring district.

The Block-house which I visited was pierced
with fifty-two shot in one face only, and the two
small guns that were in it, were dismounted

1 84

APPENDIX

Six of the Refugees were killed and fifteen
wounded — the far greater part in the Block-
house.

[From The London Gazette, printed in the Cow
Chase, London, 1781.]

XXII

ADJUTANT GENERAL MACKENZIE TO CAPTAIN

WARD

Head Quarters, nth Dec. 1780.
Sir.

I have the pleasure of sending you, by the
direction of his Excellency the Commander in
Chief, the enclosed extract of a letter which he
has received by the last pacquet, from Lord
George Germain, one of his Majesty's principal
Secretaries of State, and which he is happy to
communicate to you, by the first opportunity.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient
humble servant

Fred. Mackenzie

D. A. Gen.
Capt. Ward, Loyal Refugees.

[enclosure.]

Extract of Letter from Lord George Ger-
main to his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton,
dated 4th October 1780.

" The very extraordinary instance of courage
shewn by the Loyal Refugees, in the affair of
Bull's ferry, of which you make such honorable
mention, is a pleasing proof of the spirit and res-
olution with which men in their circumstances
will act against their oppressors, and how great
advantages the Kings troops may derive from
employing those of approved fidelity. And His
Majesty, to encourage such exertions, commands
me to desire you will acquaint the survivors of
the brave Seventy, that their intrepid behavior
is approved of by their Sovereign."

\Riviugtori 's Gazette, December 13, 1780.]

XXIII
JOHN POST TO WILLIAM VAN INGEN

West Point 10th Octr 1780
Our Brigade was posted at Fort Lee to watch
the enemies motion from F. Washington which

is directly opposite to it, while we lay there two
British soldiers swam over to us in the night,
from this place I had a fair view of the City,
the East River & their encampment on York
Island. One of the inhabitants said that Jacob
Glenn had been in his Home, that he is an
Engr. in the Levies and that he was in the
Block-house when General Wayne attacked it,
which they have since evacuated and demolished
— this is all I can tell about him.

[From the original in possession of C. E. Van
Cortlandt.]

XXIV

COL. proctor's force

In the department of State, at Washington,
there is an original " Return of the non-commis-
sioned and matrosses in the Corps of Art'y. the
States to which they belong & the number want-
ing to complete the Establishment, July 12,
1780," which probably gives Colonel Proctor's
force in the attack :

" 4th Regt, Col. Proctor, Penna. 8 Companies,
effective force of non-com. & Mat. 149 ; want-
ing to complete 283, establishment 432."

AMERICAN ACCOUNTS OF THE AFFAIR

Thursday, the 19th instant, the first and
second Pennsylvania brigades, commanded by
Brigadier General Wayne, marched from their
respective encampments for the purpose of col-
lecting & bringing off those cattle in Bergen
County, immediately exposed to the enemy.
After executing the order, General Wayne on
his return visited a block-house in the vicinity
of Bergen town, built and garrisoned by a num-
ber of Refugees to prevent the disagreeable
necessity of being forced into the British sea
service. The work was found proof against
light artillery, when a part of the first and second
Pennsylvania Regiments were ordered to at-
tempt it by assault when after forcing their way
through the abatis and pickets, a retreat was in-
despensably necessary, there being no other
entrance in the Block-house but a subterraneous
passage sufficient only for one man to pass.

APPENDIX

i3 5

Our loss consists of 69, including 3 officers,
killed and wounded. Lieutenant Moody and
six of his party were taken on their return from
an excursion to Sussex.

[Pennsylvania Packet, July 25, 1 780.]

We hear that on Friday morning last the
Pennsylvania line under the command of Gene-
ral Wayne, made an unsuccessful attack against
the block-house, the enemy erected some time
ago at Closter, in Bergen County. Our failure,
it is said, was owing to the lightness of our
artillery, and the enemy's metal being much
heavier than was expected. Our troops however
recovered several hundred head of quadrupeds,
consisting of horses, horned cattle, sheep and
hogs, which the banditti that infest the neigh-
bourhood had plundered from that inhabitants.
Our loss on this occasion is said to be several
killed and wounded.

[New Jersey Gazette, July 26, 1780.]

On the morning of the 25th ult, died at Camp,
of the wounds he received in bravely doing his
duty before the Block-house near Bulls ferry on
the 2ist Lieutenant Jacob Morris De Hart,
brother of Col De Hart, of the 2d Pennsylvania
Regiment, aged nineteen years, the emulation
and fire necessary to warm a soldier's breast soon
kindled in this young, but manly officer, having
entered into the service of his country at sixteen;
from which time his sweetness of disposition,
and attention to duty, gave him the affection of
officers of every rank. At five o'clock in the af-
ternoon he was buried with the honours of war,
attended by a large concourse of officers from
the different lines of the army.

[New Jersey Gazette, August 2, 1780.]

Extract of a letter from Tappan, dated August
II, 17S0.

The British have called in their out-posts.
On the 9th instant they evacuated and burnt the
Block-house in Bergen, on which General Wayne
lately made an unsuccessful attack.

[The Connecticut Gazette, A'ugtist 25, 1780.]

XXVI
BRITISH ACCOUNTS OF THE AFFAIR

Yesterday morning about nine o'Clock, Gen-
erals Wayne and Irwin with the 1st and 2d
Pennsylvania Brigades of Infantry, Col. Moy-
land's Cavalry, and Proctor's Artillery, the
Flower of Washington's Army, consisting of
about 1000 Troops, with 6 Six Pounders, and
one Howitz, appeared in view of Col Cuyler's
Refugee Post, on the Jersey Shore, which was
then commanded by Capt Thomas Ward ; about
10 o'Clock they advanced with their Cannon
to within 60 Yards of the Refugee Works, and
commenced a tremendous Cannonade, which
lasted till half past 11 ; they attempted to storm
the Abbatisbut were repulsed with the Loss of
about 90 killed and wounded, among which are
five Officers.

The Loss of the Refugees is 4 killed and 8
slightly wounded ; no Veterans could have be-
haved better on this Occasion than these few
Loyalists. And his Excellency the Commander
in Chief has expressed his Thanks and Appro-
bation to this Loyal Band for their spirited
and gallant Behaviour.

[Rivington's Gazette, July 22, 1780.]

The following is the Names of the brave Ref-
ugees that were killed and wounded at Col.
Cuyler's Refugee Post, near Fort Lee, abcut 8
Miles from New York, on Hudson's River, on
Friday, the 21st inst, viz :

Thomas Phillips, of the artillery John Mc-
Murdy, with another man, and a Negro, killed.

Lieutenant George and Absolam Bull, Alex-
ander Sharp, John and Ezekiel Fealy, and John
Mullan wounded.

The principal Officers on the Attack were
Colonels Moylan, Stewart, Hayes, Proctor, and
Majors Lee and More.

Thus the chosen Band of Washington's Army
were repulsed by a few determined Loyalists,
and we have reason to believe the Loss of the
Rebels much greater than has yet been ascer-
tained — and to add more to the spirit of the Ref-
ugees, a Party, under the Command of the
brave Captain Ward, pursued the Rear of the
retreating Army upwards of 4 miles, retook

1 86

APPENDIX

twenty Head of Cattle that were carried off
from the well affected Neighbours, Killed one
Rebel, and made Prisoner of General Wayne's
Servant and another.

By the confession of the rebels, we now find
the loss sustained by them in their late attack of
the Refugee Post — last Friday, was at least 150
killed and wounded, and among them 5 officers,
two of which are said to be Colonels.

\_Rivingtori 's Gazette, July 26, 1780.]

Chatham, July 26, Last Friday General
Wayne with a detachment of 1800 men, made
an assault upon a block-house of the enemy,
near Bull's Ferry, on the North River, but

finding it very strong {held only 84 Refugees)
drew off the men. Our loss, we are told
amounts to near 50 killed and wounded. {But
the Returns say 150.)

[Rivington's Gazette, Jtdy 29, 1780.]

PLAN OF A BLOCK HOUSE
That my readers may better understand the
construction of a block house I add a view from
Anburey's Travels. These constructions were
essentially similar, andin common use throughout
the frontier as protection against the Indians.
A stockade surrounded them without, and an
exterior line of abatis occasionally afforded a
more perfect defence.

C. H. W INFIELD.

THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

1778

Having been honored with an invitation from Mr. Augustus Van
Cortlandt, the present proprietor of the ancient estate of Cortlandt, to
present some facts relating to a portion of his land, which, one hun-
dred and two years ago, was hallowed by the blood and burial of the
bodies of a large number of friendly Indians, who, while assisting the
American cause in the Revolution, bravely laid down their lives on the
fields, which are now found almost covered from sight with rank
weeds, bushes, and stately trees, the growth of the last thirty years,
I have prepared the following sketch :

Some fifty-five years ago, an incident occurred, which made such
an impression on my mind that it will never be forgotten. I will relate
it in my own style.

Late one pleasant afternoon, two persons were leisurely walking
up the road, which was then known as the New Road, although it
was publicly opened soon after the year 1800. Before that period it
was a lane, used by several farmers on its line, and at its entrance
from the old Mile Square Road — about one-quarter of a mile south of
the scene of the incidents of my story — were set up " posts and bars,'*
which closed it from the public.

The elder of these two persons was a lady, some 65 years of
age ; the other, the writer of these lines, a stout lad of about 14 years —
her grandson — of an inquiring turn of mind, whose numerous questions
somewhat annoyed the ancient dame ; in fact, his tongue was more active
than all other members of his body, and while passing on towards the
spot I refer to — then an opening in the woods — she told him the reason
why it became known as the " Indian Field," and related many interest-
ing incidents connected with the terrible massacre of the friendly
Indians, which the lad had often heard talked about from his early
youth.

At the period spoken of, the cleared opening, lying on the left-
hand side of the road, was almost square, containing two or three
acres of land, and was surrounded on three sides by large trees, and a
dense wood, covering several hundred acres, known as " Cortlandt's
Woods," which that lad, a few years later, was fond of visiting for the

1 88 THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

partridge, woodcock, wild pigeons, grey squirrels, and other game
which were abundant in their season, and of which he carried away
numbers in his game bag.

The soil, of this open space, was of a light and loamy nature,
though I well remember to have seen grain growing upon it during
several seasons, and it was also a famous place for wild strawberries, as
were also the fields on the high grounds on the easterly side of the road,
which were formerly known as the Battle Field on " DeVeaux's
Heights."

The brave Indians who offered up their lives on and near these
heights in the month of August, 1778, were the Stockbridge Indians,
under the command of Abraham Ninham. The first knowledge we
have of this tribe is, according to Dr. Timothy Edwards, that they were
of the Muhhekaneew tribe, which migrated from Hudson River about
the year 1734, and settled at Stockbridge in Massachusetts, after which
period they became known as the Stockbridge Indians. Their chief,
Abraham Ninham, usually known by the latter name, was an intelli-
gent, trustworthy, and brave man, and by many persons supposed to be
a half-breed.

Early in the year 1775, Ninham offered his services to the Provincial
Congress, who employed him as a scout and a bearer of dispatches to
other tribes of Indians farther west. In the performance of this service
he met with both personal loss and much suffering. The Congress, on
the 4th of July, 1775, appointed " a committee to take under considera-
tion the sufferings of Abraham Ninham." Their report was made, and
Ninham was satisfactorily compensated.

On the 7th of August, 1776, Gen. Washington wrote to Timothy
Edwards, who was then Commissioner of Indian Affairs, on the sub-
ject of employing, in the service of the United States, the Stockbridge
Indians, who had previously expressed themselves " anxious to take
part in our favour." Mr. Edwards, a few days after, was ordered to
" engage all the Stockbridge Indians he can, and they should be officered
and paid agreeable to the former resolve of the Commissioners of In-
dian Affairs." They are found in service August 21, 1777, at which
period the following interesting account of these Indians appeared in
the newspapers of the day.

" On the late alarm occasioned by the evacuation of Ticonderoga,
a number of Stockbridge Indians marched with the militia of that
County, and were stationed with Generals Nixon and Fellows, between
Fort Edward and Fort Ann.

THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS 1 89

On the 18th of July last, General Fellows sent out five of them
on a scout to Skenesborough ; the next day before the sun set, they
returned with six prisoners, consisting of two regulars and four tories.
The account being somewhat entertaining, I shall give it nearly in the
words of Ninham, who commanded the party. He says :

" We passed the creek and went within a mile or two of
Skene's house, where we lay down in a thick spot of woods by
the side of the road. It was not long before there came along two reg-
ulars driving a number of horses. We jumped up and seized them ; the
regulars were so very much frightened that they made no resistance ;
neither could they speak plain. We found, by the noise, there were a
number more behind driving cattle. One of our prisoners called to the
sergeant for help ; upon this we thought it wise to make the best way out
of the woods. Our prisoners attempted to get away from us ; we were
therefore obliged to make them feel that our hatchets were heavy. I
told them, if you will behave like prisoners, we will use you well, but if
you don't, we must kill you. After this they behaved well, and did ev-
erything we bid them. On our way to our encampment we thought we
would take in with us as many tories as we could find, and in order to
find them out, we gave our prisoners their guns, taking out their flints.
When we came near a house we told our prisoners, you must keep be-
fore us, and if you see any man you must cock your guns and present
them at them, and demand who they are for — the King or the Country ?
They did so, and the tories answered, they were for the King, or they
should have moved off long ago. They seemed to be glad to see the
regulars, and told them, you are our brothers. I knew one of the Tories,
as I came in sight of him, I therefore put my hat over my face, for fear
the fellow should know me, till the red coats had done their duty.
After he had in a most strong manner declared he was for the king, I
asked him further, — will you be true to the king — and fight for him till
you die? O yes — said the tory. Upon this he discovered his error,
knew me — and immediately said — what king do you mean ? I mean
King Hancock. Ah, said I — we have found you out, we dont know
kings in America yet ; you must go along with us."

In the following month of October, Ninham, with his company
of Indians, made application to Congress, " to be employed in the
service of the United States; who, in their proceedings, October 25,
1777, requested that they report themselves to Major General Gates
for duty ;" and at the same time, " Ordered, that 200 dollars be paid to
the said Abraham Ninham for the use of himself and his companions, and

190 THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

as an acknowledgement for their zeal in the cause of the United States.'*
Next year (1778), in the month of August, General Washington, with
his main army, lay encamped at White Plains in Westchester county,
from which place Colonel Gist was detailed, with a small body of light
troops, to act in connection with the Stockbridge Indians, in skirmishing
between the lines, they having had a fight on the 20th of August with
Colonel Emmerick, who was obliged to retreat to Kingsbridge. Eleven
days after, Colonel Gist divided his troops into three parties, the largest
of which, being under his command, was posted on Husted's Hill,
three to four hundred yards east of " New Road." About the same
distance above, and about one hundred yards east of the " Mile Square
road," lay Major Stewart with the second portion. The third squad of

light infantry, under the command of a Captain , were posted in the

woods, on the descending slope of the hill opposite, about two hun-
dred yards east of the " New Road," and in the rear of the Stock-
bridge Indians, who were in advance, on the Mile Square road. This
was the position of the American troops on the morning of the 31st of
August, 1778, when the battle began. The greatest struggle, was on the
second field north of Daniel DeVoe's house, where the bodies of some
seventeen Indians lay, cut and hacked to death ; besides many others,
who were killed and wounded in their attempt to escape in several direc-
tions. It was a terrible conflict, or rather a slaughter of about thirty In-
dians, besides a few who were severely wounded, including two or three
of the light infantry; several of the slightly wounded and others, of
both infantry and Indians, managed to escape in the woods and swamps.

Many years afterwards, this fight was a frequent subject of conver-
sation by those of the families who had visited the fields immediately
after the conflict. Interesting incidents were related, and occasionally
were noted down by myself ; these, with the several published reports
made at the period by the British press, are my authorities for the
following account of the Indian massacre on " De Veaux's Heights."

In the month of July, 1778, while a large body of British troop lay
encamped at Kingsbridge, three of their prominent officers, Lieuten-
ant-Colonels Simcoe, Emmerick and Tarleton, with a body of hussars,
started on a tour of observation by taking a northeasterly direction,
which led them to the high ground of Valentine, and afterwards upon
the Mile Square road. When they had proceeded about a half a mile
above the lower Valentine's Hill, they stopped at the entrance of a
lane on the left hand side, which led up to several farm houses in
a northerly direction.

THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

I 9 I

While resting here a few moments, the party had a very singular
and narrow escape, which Simcoe in his journal thus describes: "The
Stockbridge Indians, about sixty in number, excellent marksmen,
had just joined Mr. Washington's army. Lt Col Simcoe was
describing a private road (the lane) to Lt Col Tarleton ; Wright, his
Orderly dragoon, alighted and took down a fence of (Daniel) DeVou's
farm yard (adjoining the lane) for them to pass through ; around this
farm the Indians were ambuscaded ; Wright had scarce mounted his
horse, when these officers, for some trivial reason, altered their inten-
tions, and spurring their horses, soon rode out of sight, and out of reach
of the Indians. A few days after, they had certain information of
the ambuscade they so fortunately had escaped ; in all probability
they owed their lives to the Indians' expectation of surrounding and
taking them prisoners." The latter part of the following month
Simcoe prepared a plan, by which he thought to circumvent both the
Indians and a small body of light troops under the command of
Colonel Gist. Early in the morning of the 31st of August Simcoe,
with a large number of troops of all kinds, set out, with the ex-
pectation of enticing the American troops and Indians down the Mile
Square road, and at the same time of advancing his flanks both on
the right and left, which movement, he says, " would be perfectly
concealed by the fall of the ground upon the right, and by the
woods (Cortlandt's) upon the left ; and he meant to gain the
heights (Husted's) in the rear of the enemy, attacking whomsoever
should be within by his cavalry and such infantry as might be neces-
sary. In pursuance of these intentions, Lieut.-Colonel Emmerick, with
his corps, was detached from the Queen's Rangers and Legion, as
Lieut.-Colonel Simcoe thought, fully instructed in the plan," which was
that he should post his command in Cortlandt's woods, on the west
side of the upper house, the residence of Frederick De Voe, but
instead he placed them near a half mile south, and opposite Daniel De
Voe's house. However Simcoe says : " Emmerick most unfortunately
mistook the nearer house — Daniel De Voe's — for one at a greater dis-
trnce, the names being the same, and there posted himself, and sent
from thence a patrole forward upon the road, before Lieut.-Col. Simcoe
could have time to stop it. This patrole had no bad effect, not meeting
with an enemy ; had a single man of it deserted, or been taken, the
whole attempt had probably been abortive. Lieut.-Col. Simcoe, who
was halfway up a tree, on the top of which was a drummer-boy, saw a
flanking party of the enemy approach. The troops had scarcely fallen

I92 THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

into their ranks when a smart firing was heard from the Indians, who
had lined the fences of the (Mile Square) road, and were exchanging
shot with Lieut.-Col. Emmerick, whom they had discovered. The
Queen's Rangers moved rapidly to gain the heights, and Lieut.-Col.
Tarleton immediately advanced with the Hussars and the Legion cav-
alry ; not being able to pass the fences in his front, he made a circuit to
return upon their right, which being reported to Lieut.-Col. Simcoe, he
broke from the column of the Rangers, with the Grenadier Company,
and directed Major Ross to conduct the Corps to the heights, advanced
to the road, and arrived without being perceived within ten yards of the
Indians, who had been intent upon the attack of Emmerick's Corps and
the Legion. The Indians now gave a yell, and fired upon the Grenadier
Company, wounding four of them and Lieut.-Col. Simcoe. They were
driven from the fences, and Lient.-Col. Carleton with the Cavalry got
among them and pursued them rapidly down Cortlandt's ridge ; that
active officer had a narrow escape; in striking at one of the fugitives
he lost his balance and fell from his horse. Luckily the Indian had no
bayonet and his musket had been discharged."

Another version of the affair, from one of those engaged in it on the
British side, appears to have been written in a spirit of jealousy. It
is set forth as "A Genuine account of the late affair at Kings-
bridge." " The British Troops fell in with a party of 60 Light Infantry
of the Rebels, and 48 Stockbridge Indians under the command of the
son of Ninham, about a mile from our lines, when Colonel Tarleton,
with the Cavalry of the Legion (late Pennsylvania Dragoons) and part
of the Queen's Rangers, charged and pursued them a considerable dis-
tance. Several of the rebel Light Infantry and nineteen Indians were
killed on the field refusing quarter, and many are supposed to have per-
ished in the woods of their wounds. Ninham's son was killed and ten
prisoners taken, among them a rebel Captain and two Indians."

Simcoe says: "The Indians fought most gallantly; they pulled
more than one of the Cavalry from their horses. French, an active
youth, bugle-horn to the Huzzars, struck at an Indian, but missed his
blow ; the man dragged him from his horse, and was searching for his
knife to stab him, when loosening French's hand he luckily drew out a
pocket pistol and shot the Indian through the head, in which situation
he was found."

A lieutenant of Colonel Emmerick's corps also set forth " A detail
of the whole proceedings of the detachment that day, the truth of which
can be testified by all that were present." He says: "Detachments

THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS 1 93

from the Queen's Rangers, Chasseurs, De Lancey's Second Bat-
talion, and Legion Dragoons, under the Command of Lieut.-Colonels
Simcoe, Emmerick and Tarleton, marched the road to Mile Square for
four miles, about 10 o'clock they took their several posts, viz., the
Rangers and Legion Dragoons in a wood on the right, the Chasseurs,
Light Infantry and Riflemen on the left, Lt. Col. Emmerick, with Dra-
goons and some Light Infantry, in the centre; at 12 o'clock Lt. Col.
Emmerick discovered a body of rebel Infantry of between 50 and 60
Indians coming down the road directly for him, he immediately made
an attack on them, and then kept retreating by degrees, in order to
draw them through the right and left wings, which as soon as he found,
by the warm firing of his Light Infantry and Riflemen and the Grena-
diers of the Rangers, was accomplished, he immediately faced about
and ordered a charge by his own Dragoons, accompanied by those of
the Legion, which, by their activity and spirited behaviour, together
with that of the Infantry then engaged, very soon put a period to the
existence of 37 Indians and a number of Rebels ; there were 10
prisoners taken, amongst them one Captain and two Indians of the
Stockbridge tribe. Our loss was two killed of the Legion, two of the
Chasseurs, and three of the Queen's Rangers wounded ; amongst the
slain was the young Indian Chief Ninham. The old Sachem, Ninham,
has since been found dead of his wounds in Col. Cortlandt's Fields."

These several versions of this brutal affair, made principally by
officers engaged in it, were all on the British side, and clearly prove
that there was but a small body of American troops engaged, including
the Indians — perhaps less than one hundred, all told — while the British
troops out-numbered them nearly or quite five to one, and these were
picked men, drawn from both infantry and cavalry, under the command
of three able and distinguished officers, who had sufficient skill to draw
these improperly armed Indians into an ambuscade, where infantry and
cavalry enclosed, and broke them up in detail, and being well mounted,
were enabled to cut them down as they attempted to escape ; the
Indians having but little idea of resistance against cavalry, especially
as their muskets were generally without bayonets, and at this time
were unloaded.

Several of these Indians escaped through the woods and swamps.
Others ran down the ridge, and across a small bridge over Tippet's
Brook, a half of a mile distant, where, on the other side, a few of
them hid among the rocks and bushes. Bolton says, " The cavalry
being unable to scale the rocks, called upon the fugitives to sur-

194 THE MASSACRE OF THE STOCKBRIDGE INDIANS

render, promising them as a condition for so doing life and protection.
Upon this, three ventured to throw themselves upon the mercy of the
British soldiers, and were immediately drawn out by the bridge and
there killed ; since which period this bridge, which yet belongs to the
ancient domain of Cortlandt, has been known as the " Indian Bridge."

The old lady, spoken of before, was at the time of the conflict a
young woman of eighteen. She, with several others of the family, the
next day visited a portion of the grounds where this butchery took
place, the principal part of which was on her father's land, leased from
Colonel Phillips. Here she saw a great many dead Indians, and one
British trooper in particular, who lay alongside of a fence which she
pointed out to the troublesome lad previously introduced, and she
added, " that he was a fine, tall, splendid looking young soldier, whose
looks she had never forgotten."

Several of the wounded soldiers were taken to the houses of Frederick
and Daniel Devoe, where their wounds were dressed and cared for, and
one poor Indian was brought to the latter's house — a most distressing
looking object — having one side of his head or face cleaved down
by a sabre cut almost to the chin ; here he was nursed several weeks,
when he was able to get away to some of his comrades north, where
he finally got well, but with a face frightfully disfigured. Others
were afterwards found maimed ; the old Chief, Ninham, was so badly
wounded that he must have soon after died ; yet before his death he
was able to crawl down the hill to a running brook, towards Jesse
Husted's house, where his body was afterwards found by the peculiar
action of the house dogs, which led to the suspicion that they had eaten
human flesh. They were followed, when the remains of Ninham's body,
which had been nearly devoured by the dogs, were found, and also the
mutilated bodies of two or three more ; all of which were buried in the
" Indian Field," and a number of large stones piled on their graves,
not as a monument, but to protect the bodies from further desecration.

THOMAS F. DeVOE

SCENE OF THE MASSACRE, AUGUST 31, 1778.

GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER

What " Magna Charta" was to the Commons of England the " Dec-
laration of Independence" was to the Patriots of America; nor was
the acknowledgment of the Rights of the Commons wrung with greater
reluctance from the usurper John, than ours from the Third George ;
and the names of the twenty-five '•' Barons of Runnymede " and the
fifty-six " Signers" stand side by side immortal in history.

It is deeply to be regretted that so little has been handed down to us
concerning many of the illustrious men whose signatures are appended
to the great " Declaration," and it is for the purpose of presenting to
the public the life and character of one of these gifted men that this
article is written.

Among the many who left the shores of Old England to seek a new
home midst the forests of America, was Richard Clymer, a native of
Bristol, England, who arrived in Philadelphia with William Penn in the
fall of 1699. Of this gentleman little or nothing is known, except that
he left two sons — William and Christopher, and a daughter Ann. Chris-
topher Clymer was a well-to-do merchant and ship-builder of Philadelphia
who took to wife Deborah, daughter of George Fitzwater, a Philadel-
phia merchant, by his wife, Mary Hardiman. Her sister, Hannah Fitz-
water, married William Coleman. Christopher Clymer had two chil-
dren, viz. : Elizabeth, an infant, who died December 20, 1739, and George.
Mrs. Clymer died March 6, 1740, and Christopher, himself, June 1, 1740.

George Clymer was born in the City of Philadelphia, June 1, 1739.
At his father's death he was taken to the home of William Coleman
his uncle by marriage, who formally adopted him, and eventually left
him the bulk of his fortune.

Young Clymer received a liberal education at the College of Phil-
adelphia (now University of Pennsylvania), but was not formally grad-
uated. After leaving college he entered the counting-house of Mi.
Coleman, where he applied himself diligently to the work of mastering
the intricacies of a mercantile life. He did not, however, neglect to
improve every spare moment in thorough research into every branch
of science and literature. In 1764 he entered the counting-house of
Reese Meredith, whose wife was a distant relative of his mother, and
March 22, 1765, he was united in marriage to his kinswoman, Elizabeth
Meredith. This lady's brother, General Samuel Meredith, has recently

GEORGE CLYMER— THE SIGNER

197

"been made the subject of a memoir in this Magazine, and her sister,
Ann, became the wife of Colonel Henry Hill, a notable man of his day.

In April, 1765, Reese Meredith took his son, Samuel, and son-in-law,
George, into partnership with himself — the firm becoming Meredith &
Sons, November 7, 1765, the three partners attended the great meeting
in the State House yard, called for the purpose of protesting against
the usurpations of the British Government, and signed their names to
the six stirring .resolutions then and there adopted, now historically
known as the Non-Importation Resolutions. This, Mr. Clymer's first
public act, was but an earnest of his greater and more hazardous
action at a subsequent period of his country's need and danger, and
may be taken as the keynote to his future public life. The records
of the next five years are silent in respect of Mr. Clymer ; they were
undoubtedly spent in the pursuit of knowledge and business. In 1770
Mr. Clymer took his seat in the Common Council of Philadelphia, and
for the next forty-three years took an active and honorable part in the
stirring events of the day. From the Common Council Mr. Clymer
retired in 1775, and became an Alderman. On the 27th of April, 1772,
Governor Penn appointed Mr. Clymer " Justice of the Court of General
Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and of the County Court of Common
Pleas of Philadelphia." In October, 1773, he attended the meeting held
In Independence Hall, called for the purpose of resisting the importation
of tea, and was appointed chairman of the committee selected to request
the tea agents to resign. In June, 1774, Mr. Clymer attended the great
meeting in the State House yard, held to take measures in regard to
the Boston Port Bill. The presiding officers were John Dickinson,
Thomas Willing and Edward Pennington, all three of whom subse-
quently opposed independence, and the last of whom was sent to
Virginia under arrest.

At this meeting a Committee of Correspondence was appointed,
with John Dickinson as chairman and Mr. Clymer as one of its mem-
bers. This committee issued the call for the famous First Continental
Congress, which met at Carpenter's Hall, September 5, 1774. January
2 3> 1775, he took his seat in the Provincial Convention, which met for the
purpose of ratifying the actions of the late Congress. They remained
in session until the 28th. On the 24th of April, 1776, he attended the
famous meeting in the State House yard, and was one of the foremost
to urge the organization of the " Associators," and to further prove
his zeal for liberty accepted a captaincy in Colonel John Cadwalader's
mt Silk Stockings " (3d Battalion), of which his brother-in-law, Samuel

19° GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER

Meredith, was Major, and subsequently Lieutenant-Colonel. July 20,.
1775, George Clymer and Michael Hillegas were appointed Treasurers
of the Continental Congress. It is rather a coincidence that Mr.
Clymer was the first Treasurer of the Government of 1774, and his
brother-in-law, General Meredith, of the Government of 1789. Mr.
Clymer resigned this position August 6, 1776. From October 20, 1775,.
until July 22, 1776, Mr. Clymer was a member of the Committee of
Safety for the province of Pennsylvania, and chairman of the Com-
mittee on Pilots and Navigation.

On the 26th of November, 1775, Messrs. Clymer, Mease, Howell,,
Biddle, Wayne and Cadwalader (John) were appointed a committee
by the Committee of Safety to make arrangements for casting some
heavy cannon. On the 28th of December, 1775, Messrs, Howell, White
and Clymer were appointed a committee to superintend the construction
and equipment of a floating battery. On the 29th of February, 1776,
Messrs. James and Owen Biddle and George Clymer were appointed
a committee to superintend the completion of the fortifications on Fort
Island in the Delaware. April 16, 1776, all the committees were reor-
ganized. We find Mr. Clymer chairman of the Committee on " Can-
non " and " Further Defences," and member of those on " Floating
Battery," "Ships," " Fort Island " and " Powder House."

Mr. Clymer was chairman of the Committee of Safety on the fol-
lowing days, viz : May 7 and 27, June 10, 12 and 15, and from July 4
to 9, 1776, and during 1776 of the City Vigilance Committee. July 20,
1776, Mr. Clymer was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress,
and cheerfully affixed his signature to the great " Charter of American
Liberties," an act which has rendered his name immortal. It is sincere
matter of congratulation to all true patriots that none of the illustrious
fifty-six " Signers " fell from the high and lofty position to which this
act of theirs elevated them

July 22d Mr. Clymer accompanied the regiment, of which he
was captain, to Amboy, returning September 1st. Mr. Clymer was
a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1776, and was largely
instrumental in procuring the adoption of the Constitution under
which Pennsylvania was governed from 1777 to 1790. On the 26th
of September Congress sent Messrs. Clymer and Stockton to New
York to confer with Washington on the affairs of the army. When
Congress left Philadelphia for Baltimore in December Mr. Clymer
was one of the commissioners who remained at Philadelphia to
guard the public interest. On the 10th of December he marched with

GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER

his regiment to " Dunk's Ferry." It was Washington's plan that Cad-
walader should cross at that point and attack the Hessians under Donop
at Mount Holly, but the ice prevented this arrangement from being
carried out. The battalion however took part with credit at Princeton
on the 2d of January, 1777. This is the only action that Captain
Clymer ever took part in. He subsequently held the rank of Colonel.

During the winter of 1777 Mr. Clymer was in the Pennsylvania
Assembly. Under the Constitution he could hold a State and Federal
office at the same time, and the records abundantly prove that he was
in demand in both places. March 12, 1777, he was re-elected to Con-
gress, and on the 9th of April we find Messrs. Wilson, Clymer, Lee,
Clark and John Adams were appointed a committee to confer with the
authorities of the State of Pennsylvania as to the best means to oppose
the enemy should they march through New Jersey to attack Philadel-
phia. After the battle of Brandywine the British burned Mr. Clymer's
house, and he was compelled to remove his family to Princeton. In
November he was re-elected to the Assembly. His term of office as
Congressman expired December 10th.

In January, 1778, Congress appointed George Clymer a special
commissioner to proceed to Valley Forge to inquire into the alleged
abuses of the Commissary Department. In October, 1778, he was a
third time elected to the Assembly, and on the 7th of December Con-
gress sent George Clymer, Samuel Matthews and Samuel McDowell to
Fort Pitt as special commissioners to quiet the savages. The nego-
tiations with the chiefs whom they met there were eminently successful,
and he received the thanks of Congress. The records are silent as
to Mr. Clymer during the year 1779, and from October, 1779, until
November, 1780, he was absent both from the State and National
councils. In the spring of 1780 (May 17) he, with Robert Morris, John
Nixon and others, organized an institution known as the Bank of
Pennsylvania, with a capital of £315,000, for the express purpose of
furnishing the army with supplies. Ninety-three patriots pledged their
lives and fortunes to this noble cause. Mr. Clymer and his brother-
in-law, General Meredith, each gave £5,000 in silver. The bank was
opened July 17, 1780, with two directors and five inspectors. John
Nixon was the first, and George Clymer was the second director.
November 24, 1780, Mr. Clymer was a third time elected to Congress,
and again a fourth time November 22, 1781. On the 31st of December
Congress incorporated the " President, Directors and Corporation of
the Bank of North America." Mr. Clymer was one of its first directors.

200 GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER

The bank was also re-chartered by the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1782.
This year, 1782, the firm of Meredith & Clymer was dissolved by mutual
consent.

In 1782 Mr. Clymer and Edward Rutledge were appointed by
Congress commissioners to visit the Southern States, and urge upon
them the prompt payment of their several quotas into the depleted
National Treasury. This was Mr. Clymer's last official act in connec-
tion with the Continental Congress, and in November, 1782, he retired
from its halls never to return. He withdrew to Princeton for the pur-
pose of placing his two sons, Henry and Meredith, in the College of
New Jersey, under the accomplished Witherspoon. Henry was gradu-
ated in 1786, and Meredith in 1787; the latter had as a classmate John
Read, who afterward married Meredith's cousin, Martha Meredith, and
was the third President of the Bank of Philadelphia, 1819-1841 ; George
Clymer being the first, and Nicholas Biddle the second. Mr. Clymer
remained in Princeton until October, 1785, when he was elected to the
Pennsylvania Assembly; he was re-elected successively in 1786, 1787
and 1788, serving until October, 1789.

He was the author of the present penitentiary system of Penn-
sylvania, and was chairman of the Committee on Commercial Regu-
lations. He largely reformed the Criminal Code. He also obtained a
charter for the Academy of Fine Arts, of which he was the first
President, and one for the Philadelphia Agricultural Society, of
which he was the first Vice-President.

In May, 1787, he took his seat in the Federal Constitutional Con-
vention, and was an active participator in the debates on the Federal
side. Among the most notable members were, first of all, its great
President, Washington. Then we find John Langdon of New Hamp-
shire ; Rufus King of Massachusetts; Roger Sherman of Connecticut;
Alexander Hamilton of New York ; William Livingston, William Pat-
erson, David Breasley and Jonathan Dayton of New Jersey ; Benjamin
Franklin, Robert and Gouverneur Morris, James Wilson, George Clymer
and Jared Ingersoll of Pennsylvania ; George Read and John Dick-
inson of Delaware ; James Madison of Virginia ; Hugh Williamson of
North Carolina; John Rutledge and Charles Cotes worth Pinckney ol
South Carolina. The reputation of the others were more or less local,
but of those mentioned national.

In October, 1788, Mr. Clymer was elected to Congress. There were
sixteen candidates. Pennsylvania was entitled to eight representatives,
and as the State had not yet been divided into districts, they were

■

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red

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1819-18.
cond. Mr. (
is electei
ively in

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scted

GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER 201

elected at large. On the 31st of December, 1788, the vote was counted
in council. It was as follows :

Frederick A. Muhlenburg,

8,707

John Allison,

7,067

Henry Wynkoop,

8,246

Stephen Chambers,

7,050

Thomam Hartley,

8,163

William Findly,

6,586

George Clymer,

8,094

William Irvine,

6,492

Thomas Fitzsimmons,

8,075

Charles Pettit,

6,481

Thomas Scott,

8,068

William Montgomery,

6,348

John Peter Gabriel Muhlenburg,

7,4i7

Blair McClenachan,

6,223

Daniel Hiester,

7,403

Robert Mitchell,

5,850

The eight gentlemen who had received the highest number of votes
were declared duly elected.

On the 24th of March, 1789, Mr. Lewis, in the Pennsylvania
Assembly, moved, and Mr. Clymer seconded, that a call be issued for a
Constitutional Congress to revise the Constitution then existing. Mr.
Clymer was a member of this Convention, which was the third he had
attended.

He served one term in Congress, viz., from April, 1789, until March
4, 1 791. This year President Washington, who was extremely anxious
to retain his services in the National Government, appointed him Super-
visor of the Internal Revenue for Pennsylvania. His efforts to collect
the duties on spirits led to the famous Whiskey Rebellion. It is
worthy of note that his son, Meredith Clymer, and son-in-law, George
McCall, were members of the First Troop Philadelphia City Cav-
alry (Captain John Dunlap), and acquitted themselves with honor
during that perilous period. Among their comrades we notice a
Mease, a Wilcock, a Conyngham, a Ross, a Ringgold, a Nixon, and a
Ewing — names familiar to old Philadelphians. George Clymer dis-
played great fearlessness in the discharge of his arduous duties.

In 1796 President Washington appointed Mr. Clymer and Colonels
Benjamin Hawkins and Andrew Pickens a Commission to treat with
the Creeks and Cherokees in Georgia. This was Mr. Clymer's last
official act. He justly considered that he was now entitled to retire
from a public life, which had covered a period of nearly thirty years,
spent in behalf of a nation struggling for freedom. He had signed one
of the first appeals to Britain for a redress of wrongs; had seen that
and subsequent appeals disregarded ; he had seen three millions of
people rise in their might, and declare that " taxation without repre-
sentation is a failure ; " he had signed the glorious Declaration, which

202 GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER

asserted the liberty of America; he had largely assisted in giving to
Pennsylvania two Constitutions, and to the nation one ; he had spent
freely of his treasure, and frequently risked his life in order that his
countrymen might have that freedom so devoutly longed for ; and now
that all these desired ends had been obtained, he quietly retired to pri
vate life, followed by the love and veneration of an entire nation.
Probably no man in America so closely resembled the Father of his
Country, in many respects, as the quiet "Quaker merchant of Phila-
delphia."

It must not be supposed, however, that Mr. Clymer's retirement
from public life was spent in inglorious ease ; on the contrary it was one
of activity. He was President of the Philadelphia Bank and of the
Academy of Fine Arts ; Vice-President of the Philadelphia Agri-
cultural Society, and of the American Philosophical Society, and a
Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania, both previous to 1779 and
again at the Union, November 18, 1791. Among Mr. Clymer's papers
aietobe found many plans for bridges, canals, and various kinds of
machinery and agricultural implements ; he is also accredited with
being the inventor of the Columbian Printing Press, and several other
useful machines.

Mr. Clymer died at the residence of his son, Henry Clymer, Esq.,
near Morrisville, Bucks county, Penn., Tuesday, January 24, 18 13, in
the seventy-fourth year of his age. His remains lie in the old Quaker
Burying Ground, corner of Hanover and Montgomery streets, Trenton,
N. J. A simple headstone bears the following inscription :

Hie. Jacet.

GEORGE CLYMER

A Signer of the

Declaration of Independence

Born June ist 1739

Died Jany 24. 1813.

Aged. 73 yrs. 7. mos. 24. dys

Mrs. Clymer survived her husband two years, dying at another
residence of her son Henry, in Northumberland, Pennsylvania, in
February, 1815, aged 72. They had issue as follows; 1 William Coleman,
2 Julian, 3 Henry, 4 Meredith, 5 Elizabeth, 6 Reese, 7 Margaret, 8 Nancy,
9 George. Of these, William, Julian, Elizabeth and Reese died young.
Henry, the eldest surviving son, married the daughter of Thomas
Willing, of Philadelphia ; Meredith died unmarried, and George married
a Miss O'Brien, of Philadelphia. Of the daughters, Margaret married

GEORGE CLYMER — THE SIGNER 203

George McCall, and Nancy, Charles Lewis, the latter of whom left no
issue. George Clymer the younger, as he is called, had but one son,
Meredith Clymer, of New York, a distinguished surgeon and medical
writer, who served as a Surgeon-General during the late Rebellion
(staff), was for some years Surgeon in the Pennsylvania Hospital, and
is a Fellow of the College of Physicians.

Henry Clymer had six children, and is now represented by his son,
Dr. George Clymer, M. D., U. S. Navy, Washington, D. C. Colonel
Edward Overton, M C. from Philadelphia, is a grandson of Henry.
A fuil record of the descendants of Richard Clymer, of Bristol, England,
later of Philadelphia, may be found in the archives of the Pennsylvania
Historical Society, Philadelphia.

George Clymer was a thoroughbred gentleman ; never, in his conver-
sation, making the most remote allusion to any subject or circumstance
that might injure the feelings of any one present. In all his relations,,
whether domestic or public, he was worthy of imitation ; he rilled the
spheres of husband, father, friend and citizen in the fullest manner and
highest sense, and to do good seemed to be the entire aim of his exist-
ence. Eminently original in thought and invention, he shunned applause
and notoriety. With no pretension to oratorical powers, he yet had the
faculty, by the earnestness of his manner and the logic of his reasoning,
to hold entire attention. Punctuality was a remarkable trait in his char-
acter ; he never kept any one waiting. Notwithstanding an apparent
sternness and reserve of manner, he possessed an underlying vein of
humor, and his conversation was frequently enlivened by anecdotes,
which lost nothing of their zesi. from the quaint manner in which they
weie related. As a scientist, art-critic and inventor, he had few rivals;
indeed, no study, no matter how profound, seemed beyond the grasp of
his master mind. His portrait, by Peale, taken in April 12, hangs in
Independence Hall. It shows us a man of medium height, well formed,
with a rather large, massive head, set firmly on the shoulders, the sil-
vered locks brushed smoothly back, revealing an expansive forehead,
keen grey eyes, aquiline nose, thin lips, firmly set, and a smooth,
rounded chin. The face, altogether, is indicative of great mental force
and vigor.

WHARTON DICKENSON

LIGUEST— THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS

Upward of a full century has passed since the founder of St.
Louis died in his bateau on a homeward trip from New Orleans up the
Mississippi River. The voyageurs went ashore in the wilderness, and
made their leader's grave near the point where the Arkansas unites
itself with the greater stream — el Padre de las aguas. It is a burial spot
unknown at this time to man, the mark of human incident being fully
outgrown in the face of nature. Meanwhile, the name of the brave and
honorable Liguest, as though death in the sighing forest had cast about
it also a spell of secrecy, has barely escaped an equal oblivion. The
unconsecrated ground where his comrades were compelled to leave
him, has been scarcely more reticent of his deeds and influence than
have the generations living and moving and fulfilling his plans. His
name is almost without a place in Western annals, and entirely absent
from the American Cyclopaedia. This circumstance, however, is not
so singular as the absolute change of roles in the story of the settlement.
In a recent volume of narrative, an American book, the credit of estab-
lishing the French colony at St. Louis is unhesitatingly ascribed to
Pierre Auguste Choteau, the young man chosen at New Orleans to be
the confidential aid of Laclede Liguest. Certainly the possible miscar-
riage of a name is no more strangely exemplified than in the instance of
this enterprising man, whose fortune it was to give original direction to
a great system of affairs, and whom fate has left unmemorialized by
" storied urn or animated bust."

One who contemplates the colonization centred at the capital of
Upper Louisiana in 1664, should find reason for believing that a mind
of a unique order shaped its early historic conditions. Added to great
spirit of adventure, no man ever showed more wisdom or integrity of
purpose than Liguest in the founding of a new society ; even in the
scanty historical accounts which have had so little to tell of him directly,
the fact is not wholly wanting evidence. His loyalty to his sovereign in
the naming of the village, his celibacy, his death from a fever at the age
of fifty-four, and his burial by the sorrowing boatmen without priestly
office, appear to be nearly all the facts of a personal character which
historical writers have recorded of him ; beyond these, the accounts of
the early life of the settlement hardly specify an individual act of his.
It is left to conjecture what part he assumed in the conduct of those

LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS 20$

affairs, which for several years seem to have progressed like harmonies
or like exhalations. The character of the colony was clearly, however,
given to it by Liguest, made up of elements of his choice and essen-
tially guided by him. Apart from express prerogative of control, his
force with his followers must have been of largely magnetic quality.
His, no doubt, was an intellect to pervade and regulate the social world
he had organized without great consciousness of the fact on one side or
the other.

The journal kept by Colonel Auguste Choteau in those days is
preserved in the Mercantile Library of St. Louis ; no better resource
for information on these matters has been handed down than this
account of Liguest's intimate companion. The young man accompanied
him on the first voyage northward when seeking a location for the new
trading-post. An exclusive trade with the Indians in Upper Louisiana
as far north as St. Peter's River was the privilege secured by royal
charter to the adventurous traders, Laclede Liguest, Antoine Maxant
& Co. Liguest, the active partner in the commercial enterprise in
America, was at the prime of life, about forty years of age. As simply,
gravely sketched in the fine French script of the young man's diary, the
journey of exploration up the river was marked by no very romantic
incident. Liguest was attended merely by a little company of hunters,
trappers and mechanics, without hope of abundant veins of gold or
youth-perpetuating waters, but with expectation of work. Their equip-
ment was wholly unlike that of the cavaliers who, first of foreign adven-
turers, heard the sound of the mighty river volume moving on between
the swaying forests, and saw in its majesty the Father of Waters. They,
on the contrary, journeyed in rude bateaux, and carried merchandize
for the Indian trade. Storing their goods at Fort de Chartres, the band
of explorers continued up the river to the turbid mouth of the Missouri.
It was late autumn when they reached the present site of St. Louis on
their return. There Liguest landed and commenced blazing some of the
forest trees for the purpose of distinguishing the spot. He said to
Auguste Choteau, who stood beside him, " You will come here as soon
as navigation opens, and will cause this place to be cleared in order to
form our settlement after the plan that I shall give you." His young
companion noted also his remarking, on his return to Fort de Chartres,
" that he had found a situation where he intended to establish a settle-
ment which might become hereafter one of the finest cities of America."

Choteau, returning with a party of mechanics to the place selected,
in February, 1764, had already built some sheds to house the tools and

2C6 LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS

provisions, and temporary cabins for the shelter of the men, when
Liguest arrived in the early part of March and laid out the plan of the
village. Some partial knowledge of these facts with ignorance of others,
probably afforded the assumed ground for the statement before men-
tioned of the establishment of the settlement by Pierre Auguste
Choteau.

Liguest's discriminating judgment disclosed in the choice of situa-
tion was exceeded when he made up the company — another matter and
a more difficult one. Adventurous spirits they were, who held the
Indian trade monopoly in the wild West in the latter part of the past
century, yet withal so gentle and just that for some time neither jail nor
statute was required in the frontier trading-post. Far more homogen-
eous the society must have been at that day than afterward, when
Frenchman, Spaniard and halfbreed, the French refugee of high quality,
the rude trapper, the coureur des bois, the miner, the cavalier, the adven-
turer, and the respectable old trader, lived on familiar terms together.
The place bore for a long time as much the aspect of a French village
as if it had been situated in France. The strong infusion of Saxon life
happening in the early part of this century, served to modify not to
destroy its architectural character. Here and there some of its primi-
tive features are even yet not obliterated, but offer pictures of quaint
gables and porches in nooks which have been left in some degree undis-
turbed.

The early settlers were under a truly patriarchal form of government,
albeit not dwelling in tents. A life more idyllic than was ever else-
where known in America went on in this French trading settlement. One
almost feels in the present great thriving West that there of all places
such gently poetic conditions of living could never have existed. The
shocks of subsequent events, Indian attacks, encounters with river
pirates, desperate deeds of lawlessness, and the records of Bloody
Island were without presage in this quiet dawn of civilization. Such of
the villagers as were engaged in agricultural pursuits were to be seen
working merrily together in the " common fields." Twenty, thirty, per-
haps more, of these fields were laid off adjoining each other near the
village and forming one inclosure, the expense of fencing and general
care being a common cost. A field measured an arpent wide and forty
arpents long, containing about thirty-four acres, and to be had free on
condition of being worked. One or more portions of this long ribbon
of farmland was allowed to a man according to the number to be sup-
ported in his family and his ability for the work. A tract of commune

LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS

207

lands near by, not cultivated, was used in common by all the people for
pasturage, wood, game and fruits. If a dispute happened among any
of the inhabitants, the patriarchal body of chief citizens were not long
in reasoning them into peace and good will again. The manners and
the usual costumes of the villagers were the most simple imaginable.
The merchants and upper classes dressed and carried themselves gen-
teelly. The women, true to national instinct, gracefully cultivated their
charms; in some of the present St. Louis homes they have feminine
descendents of almost peerless loveliness. The voyageurs, coureurs des
bois and farmers, usually wore no hat, but tied around their heads a blue
cotton handkerchief ; in winter they wore the white blanket coat, and
in summer either a white cotton shirt or a red woolen one ; pantaloons of
buckskin served them in the colder weather and colored cotton ones in
the summer. The men frequently wore a belt with sealskin pouch for
tobacco, pipe, flint and steel ; as an equipment for the Rocky Mountains
or a hunt for wild animals in the neighborhood, they added a butcher-
knife and small hatchet. The community was a virtuous one, but with
some proportion of the people much wanting in education ; among their
written documents it was not uncommon to see a man's " mark " for
signature. A majority of the colonists were natives of Louisiana or of
Canada. They were of pious habit, and also, of course, carried abound-
ing Gallic lightheadedness into the simple life of the frontier. Simple
groups of villagers were sometimes to be seen gathered at the brink of
the river, where they would sit watching the athletic sport of youths
leaping down the embankment. Their fondness for amusement fre-
quently exhibited itself in a little dancing in some of the log-cabins on a
Sunday evening after the religious worship of the day had been faith-
fully observed. It was a custom continued down to Bishop Rosatti's
time, when Rene and Gabriel Paul with their companions of the orches-
tra, were accustomed after morning service to hear the affectionate
prelate command, " My children, you must dine with me." Rene Paul,
no doubt, took as much delight in the soft waltz of a Sunday evening as
in the Te Deum or De Profundis of a cathedral service. For this violon-
cello, pressed thus to dine with the bishop, was the same who introduced
his dear Parisian round dances into that Western society — the simple
souls, accustomed to meet so cordially at each other's houses for their
Sunday evening recreations, having never yet dreamed of these whirl-
ing graces of the gay French capital.

In the simpler days it was Father Gibault who faithfully ministered
to the spiritual needs of the gentle flock and their energetic leaders.

208 LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS

The first little church was dedicated in 1770; the walls of this ecclesias-
tical structure were formed by fragrant logs standing endwise; the
interstices were filled with mortar, and wooden pegs fastened shingles
two feet long and six inches wide on the roof. The religious life of the
little colony had commenced six years previously — that is, with its first
form of existence. When Liguest laid out the village, a square dedi-
cated to mother-church was prominent in the plan. To this day the
consecrated ground, now in the very heart of Western business life,
is held for its original use. Encompassed on all sides with the scenes
and clamor of trade, repairs have been recently going on in the cathe-
dral, which contains in its shadowy vaults the ashes of the early settlers
of St. Louis.

A usufructuary possession of land was all that Liguest was empow-
ered, under sanction of royal authority, to grant. St. Ange de Bellerive,
who arrived with the French troops stationed at Fort de Chartres two
years after the colony was established, was vested with the power of
conferring grants — or rather, the few which he made were afterward
publicly confirmed by the Spanish Lieutenant-Governor. From him
Liguest received a grant of land on La Petite Riviere, where he built
a mill, the body of water afterward known as Choteau Pond being
produced by the dam constructed at that point. Although without
kindred in the New World, Liguest exercised a domestic taste in his
manner of living, and built himself a house immediately after his arrival
at the site selected for the trading-post. This structure, which stood on
the square occupied by Barnum's Hotel, was superior to any of the
other houses at first built in the village, in having its lower story of
stone and being provided with a cellar. A number of squaws dug and
carried away the dirt from the cellar of M. Liguest's house, receiving
beads and trinkets for the service. They belonged to the Missouri
tribe of Indians, of which a hundred and fifty warriors visiting the place
became sufficiently enamoured of the French society to avow their
resolution never to leave them. To change their too friendly purpose,
threats of the soldiery at Fort de Chartres had finally to be resorted to
by M. Liguest ; under which circumstances, they departed cheerfully
and never returned.

For half a dozen years the dread condition of the presence of a
Spanish commandant in the upper province was postponed ; the unwel-
come intrusion had almost from the first been imminent, the news of
the early surrender of the French possessions west of the Mississippi to
Spain having been received at New Orleans within a month after the

LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS 20O.

founding of the trading-post to the northward. It was during these
years that the colony was most distinctively what Liguest, aided by aus-
picious fortune, had made it. Indirectly the English gave the village
its great impetus of rapid growth before the end of its first year. Some
accession of numbers happened from the French population of Cahokia
and of other towns east of the Mississippi, who sought a new abode in St.
Louis, when England formally took possession of her newly acquired
territory on the eastern side of the river. Much to the advantage of
St. Louis, again, was the dislike conceived for the English by the
Indians, a great part of the Indian trade in peltries being transferred on
this account from points east of the river. Thus it happened from
various causes that the venture of Liguest was rapidly proving itself a
grand success. The lowering of the lilied flag for the emblems of Spanish
rule effected very little change in the affairs of the colony. Both Piernas
and Cruzat, the earliest Spanish commandants, were popular officers
with a conciliatory policy. The life of the colony was still nearly as
much under the influence of Liguest and Bellerive as if theirs had been
the political as well as the moral authority. The settlers enjoyed life
and trade was prosperous. Peltries and furs bought from the Indians
were the main objects in commerce ; at the time of Liguest's death the
average value annually of these goods received in St. Louis was about
$300,000. The merchandise was shipped to Canada, thence to Europe,
and it required four years for the returns to be made. If less rapid than
the transactions of our own day, they were at least followed by enviable
content. A feature to be noticed in this commerce is, that in their expe-
ditions to the North and West, the French traders had not much to fear
from the Indians. The contrast is the greatest possible between these
peaceful relations and those pertaining to the enterprises of General
Ashley commenced in 1823. In this interval, during which the organi-
zation of the Missouri Fur Company and the establishment of John
Jacob Astor's commercial house in St. Louis had taken place, a change
had come over the Indian's dream of the fur trader. In General
Ashley's day not less than two-fifths of the men perished in the trade.
Not all of these luckless adventurers, however, were murdered by the
Indians ; the white bears devoured some and others were drowned.
But the Indian troubles were frequent ; at one time fourteen were lost
in a battle with the Cherokees. It was a sad phase of a trade com-
menced so peacefully with the company of Liguest.

It is a noteworthy fact that almost simultaneously with the death of
the founder of the colony should have happened the close of a singularly

210 LIGUEST — THE FOUNDER OF ST. LOUIS

happy period of its history. The year of his death commenced the rule
of that new Spanish commandant, the third in office, whose proceed-
ings, if not the true cause of disaster to the colony in 1780, brought
abundant calumny upon his own name. The Indian attack of that date
was the first greatly calamitous event which the people suffered. The
new era was ushered so sharply in as to give by contrast a peculiar
charm to the picture of ithe brief, quiet period preceding it. The story
of the first fourteen years of the village life is like a summer idyl written
as preface to a history abounding in dark chapters of violence and mis-
fortune. The wise and good Liguest, somewhat vaguely sketched with
his colony in the foreground, is scarcely to be recognized except through
that society in its course of daring adventure, justice, love, and pros-
perity. A more heroic character might have been developed in Lig-
uest had his wisdom been less directed to the general good, and his
friendship for his followers a less sacred motive.

E. T. LANDER

ORIGINAL DOCUMENT

211

ELOQUENCE OF THE NORTH
AMERICAN INDIANS

Communicated by John Russell Bartlett
The poverty of their languages tends
strongly to excite exertions to express
ideas by figures of speech. Hence their
violent gestures and repetitions in all
their public speeches. Their ideas are
drawn from sensible objects, and these
being few in number give a character to
their eloquence which differs materially
from ours. Like the rays of light
brought to a focus by a lens, their ideas
being few with only a few words to
express them, Byron would call them
"ideas of fire." Unaccompanied by
enthusiasm, genius produces only unin-
teresting works of art. Enthusiasm is
the secret spirit which hovers over the
eloquence of the Indian.

All the senses of the Indian, from his
mode of living in the open air, and
indeed from necessity, exist in the high-
est possible perfection. Their persons
are the first forms in the world. Stand-
ing erect, his eyes flaming with enthu-
siastic ardor and his mind laboring
under an agony of thought, the Indian
is a most impressive orator. He speaks
in the presence of his assembled nation,
on some important subject, and shows
that he feels an awful responsibility.
At Prairie du Chien in the summer of
1829, while listening to many Indian
speeches, I was forcibly struck with the
evident marks of the awful responsi-
bility which the orators felt during the
time they were addressing the United
States Commissioners. I have seen an
Indian orator when in the course of his
speech he began to touch upon the sub-

ject of a sale of his country, turn pale,
tremble in every limb, and sit down
perfectly exhausted in body from the
operations of his mind. The Indian
orator's audience is his whole nation,
often several other assembled Indian
nations, and the subject matter of his
discourse is of great national impor-
tance. When the subject matter is a
sale of his country, in addition to his
whole nation as an audience, he sees
seated before him, the United States
Commissioners attended by a large num-
ber of military officers in full dresses,
and an army of soldiers drawn up in
battle array. The cannons and the
lighted matches and all the parade, show,
pomp, and circumstance of glorious
warfare, are presented to the orator's
near and full view. On each side of
him sit all the chiefs and warriors of his
nation; behind him sit all the women
and children of his people. His subject
is one that is of the highest conceivable
importance to him and his nation. His
country he is called on to sell and quit
forever, contains the bones of his an-
cestors and the hearts of many perhaps
that loved him most dearly. His wives
and children listen in breathless silence
to every word he utters. Every eye
among his auditors watches every gesture
he makes.

Placed in such a situation, the char-
acter of his eloquence is easily con-
ceived. It abounds with figures drawn
from every natural object presented to
his eye. He " thanks the Great Spirit
that He has granted them a day for
their council with a cloudless sky, or
with a few clouds, as the case may be;
that their several paths between their

212

ORIGINAL DOCUMENT

homes and the council were open and
unattended with dangers ; that the storm
is passed away and gone ; and he hopes
that during the time they may be
detained from home the beasts may
not destroy his corn, nor any bad birds
be permitted to fly about with bad
stories around the council fire !" All
this is uttered with little gesticulation
and without enthusiasm, but should he
touch on the subject of a sale of his
country, his whole soul is in every look,
every word and every gesture. His
eye flashes fire, he raises himself upon
his feet, his body is thrown into every
variety of attitude, every muscle is
strained, every nerve is exerted to its
utmost power, and his voice becomes
clear, distinct and commanding. He
now becomes, to use his own expressive
phrase, A MAN.

He recalls to the minds of his auditors
the situation and circumstances of his
ancestors, when they, and they only,
climbed every hill and every mountain
and traversed every vale in quest of
game, angled in every river for fishes,
sailed in every lake, and glided along
on every stream of water in their
canoes. He tells his auditors that all
the labor their ancestors had to perform
was merely what the white man calls
"sport" or "pastime"; that in winter
they dwelt in the thickest forests beside
the unfrozen spring of pure water, and
in the summer in the coolest, shadiest
groves. In winter he was protected
from every piercing wind ; in summer
from every burning ray of the sun.

The white man came across the
Great Water ; he was feeble and small
in stature ; he begged for a few acres of

land, so that he could by digging in the
earth like a squaw raise some corn,
some squashes and some beans for the
support of his family and himself. In-
dian pity was excited by the simple tale
of the white man's wants, and his re-
quest was granted. But soon indeed
thereafter he who was so feeble and
small at first, became so mighty and
large that his head reached the clouds
and with a tree for his staff he drove
the red man before him from river to
river, and from mountain to mountain,
until the Indian seated himself on a small
spot of earth as a final resting place,
and now the white man wants that small
spot !

We will continue to use the language
of Hoowaneka (Little Elk), in council
at Prairie du Chien on July i, 1829:
" The first white man whom we ever
knew was a Frenchman. He lived
among us as we did. He painted
himself, smoked his pipe with us, sang
and danced with us, and married one
of our squaws, but he never wanted
to buy our land ! The Red-coat (the
British) came next. He gave us new
coats, leggins and shoes, guns, traps
and knives, blankets and jewels. He
seated our chiefs at his table to eat with
him ; he fixed epaulets on their shoul-
ders, and put commissions in their
pockets. He suspended large medals
on their breasts, but he never asked us to
sell our country to him ! Next came the
Blue Coat (the American). No sooner
had he seen a small portion of our coun-
try than he asked for a map of the whole
of it ! Having shown him its map, he
wanted to buy it all instantly.* Gov-
ernor Cass last year at Green Bay urged

ORIGINAL DOCUMENT

213

us to sell all our coumry to him. and now
you, father, repeat the same request.
Why do you wish to add our small coun-
try to yours, which is already so large ?
When I went to Washington City to see
our Great Father, I saw great houses
all along the road, and Washington and
Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York
are great and splendid cities ! So large
and beautiful was the President's house;
the tables and chairs, the mirrors and
carpets were so beautiful, that I thought
I was in Heaven, and the old man there
was the Great Spirit ! but after he had
taken us by the hand and kissed our
women I found him like ourselves,
nothing but a man ! You ask us to sell
our country, and wander off into the
boundless regions of the West. We do
not own that country, and the deer, elk,
bison and beaver now there are not
ours, and we have no right to kill them.
Our wives and our children, now seated
behind us are dear to us, and so is our
country, where rest in peace the bones
of our ancestors. Fathers ! pity a peo-
ple few in number, poor and helpless !
Do you want our country? Yours is
larger than ours ! Do you want our
wigwams ? You live in palaces. Do you
want our horses ? Yours are larger,
stronger and better than ours. Do you
want our women ? Yours are now sit-
ting* behind you (the speaker here
pointed to Mrs. Z. Taylor, to the lady
of Major Garland and her sister, Miss
Lockwood, Mrs. Rolette and her daugh-
ters), are handsomer and dressed better
than ours. Look at your ladies behind
you, and then at ours sitting before
you ! Why, Fathers ! What can be
your motives ? " Such is the substance

and almost the very words of Hoowan-
eka in council. His gestures were very
graceful, but in those portions of his
speech which related to a sale of his
country his gesticulation was violent,
and his whole soul was violently agitated.

Among the Sauks and Foxes, Keokuk
and Morgan were the principal orators
in 1829, and these men were the chief
warriors also of these tribes, at that
time. Before addressing the commis-
sioners in council, their orators always
consulted the Civil Chiefs as to the sub-
stantial matters to be brought forward
in their public speeches. Generally a
solemn national council was called,
in which the subject matters were dis-
cussed and the decision of the as-
sembled nation was communicated to
the orators, who in their public speeches,
conformed to the instructions which
they had received from their own coun-
cil.

Among the Winnebagoes, the half
breeds Snakeskin and Little Elk were
generally put forward as orators, but on
great occasions the principal civil chiefs
came forward as orators. Among savage
nations orators as such do not stand as
high as they do among civilized ones.
Under our aristocracy birth is esteemed
of consequence, and, in a savage state
bodily powers and prowess are of greater
value than they are among us, who are
more intellectual than man in his natural
state. The Indian word for orator
translated into our language is "bab-
bler." Thus we see that Indians are
not sufficiently advanced in the arts of
life, or of government to give an orator
all the consequence which he has among
us. Could our native Americans throw

214

NOTES

off their aristocracy, their love of war,
their indolence, and adopt our mode of
living and all our wants, and thereby
add vastly to his stock of ideas, he
might then become and excel as our
orators at the bar, in the desk, in the
popular assembly and in the Senate
Hall. Until then he will rise no higher
than he now is. His speeches will be
vehement, his gesticulations will be
violent, and repetitions and darkness
and obscurity, mixed with figures of
speech and some beautiful allusions to
natural objects and to the vague tradi-
tious handed down to him from his an-
cestor, will be found in all his long
labored public speeches. Logan's speech
was simplicity itself, but Logan had lived
all his days among the whites. He had
even adopted a white man's name. Such
a speech as his was never delivered by
an Indian, unacquainted with the whites.
There are in that speech a Clearness, a
simplicity, a pointedness, which belong
to a civilized man's speech, who is how-
ever a full blooded Indian in his heart.

Caleb Atwater.
Circleville, Ohio, August 27, 1846.

* A comprehensive description of the French,
English and Americans, as they succeed each
other in their intercourse with the Indians in this
country. C. A.

Note. — Mr. John R. Bartlett, to whose kind-
ness this paper is due, writes to ms that Mr.
Atwater, who was a correspondent of his in
1846, promised other articles upon the Indians,
£>ut he does not think they were received.

Editor

NOTES.
Early history of new york. — I
cannot but agree with Major D. Camp-
bell's views, as expressed in his address

before the Oneida Historical Society,
but must entirely differ from Mr. S. N.
D. North's opinion regarding the intelli-
gence and education of the early Dutch
colonists of New York, given in the
January number of this Magazine. I
am not at all astonished to find Mr.
North of the same opinion as most all
writers on American history, who, as a
general rule, underrate or ignore the im-
portance of the fact that the Dutch were
the first colonists on the Hudson. The
statement that, if it had not been for the
Dutch, we should perhaps still live under
English rule, or be a colony of France,
seems to be a bold one ; but the students
of the Dutch period of New York will
most likely agree with me. The proofs
for this assertion are : First, the friendly
relations maintained by the Dutch with
the powerful Five Nations, whose rule
extended over half this continent, and
who served as a bulwark against the en-
croachments of the French in Canada.
The Dutch of Albany kept up this
friendship, even after the downfall of
their government, to the advantage of
their conquerors, not so much, as is
usually stated, because they were afraid
for their lives, or at least for their com-
merce, but because they desired more lib-
erty than the tyrannical rule of France
would have allowed them. Second, the
spirit of liberty, political and religious,
roused in Holland, almost a century be-
fore the colonization of this country, by
the Spanish invasion of their homes,
with which they had become so thor-
oughly imbued that they raised the cry
of the Revolution, "No taxation with-
out representation," long before the
Revolution was ever thought of. Third,

NOTES

the desire to get rid of the British rule,
made distasteful to them from the be-
ginning by the superciliousness with
which the English treated them. Can
such sentiments, bringing about such re-
sults, find birth and fostering care in the
minds and breasts of " either purely com-
mercial or totally uneducated men ? "

Nobody thinks of denying that the
Dutch were first induced to settle on
the banks of the Hudson by the pros-
pect of a profitable trade with the In-
dians. They were not compelled to seek
new homes in an unexplored land, be-
cause their puritanical intolerance would
not allow them to live among people
who differed from them in religious
belief ; they did not start out with the
benevolent intention of Christianizing
the heathen Indian by exterminating
him. They came for commercial pur-
poses, and of course treated the peo-
ple, with whom they desired to trade,
with the same fairness and honesty with
which they treated each other or other
European nations. With a tolerance
in religious matters, which can be only
the result of education, they allowed the
heathen Indian to retain his simple be-
lief in a God, who had created him and
his surroundings, and who was angry at
his creature's misdoings. They had
learned, if anything, that the words
" Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy-
self" included also the natives of this
continent, the owners of the land upon
which they intended to settle, and they
had been taught that they could not
take another man's property without
giving him the demanded price for it —
a lesson which the New England set-
tlers had either never been taught, or

believed not to apply to a people of other
religious belief (see the early Statutes of
Massachusetts). Notwithstanding the
commercial tendency of their character,
which is always held up as a reproach to
them, and comes with rather a bad
taste from a nation who could not live
without, and is made great by, its com-
merce — notwithstanding it, I say, their
love of profit never led them to the inhu-
manity of dealing in Indian scalps. These
last mentioned characteristics must also
be set down as the result of education,
and we will see now how far the charge
of a lack of educated men can be dis-
proved. If I fail in my attempt to
disprove it, I am afraid part of the
charge will fall back upon Mr. North,
for some of the men, whose names I
shall give, were Englishmen, who, pre-
ferring the greater religious and political
freedom of New Netherland, left their
scholarly friends of New England to
settle under Dutch government.

The De Graafs, of whom we find sev-
eral mentioned in the Dutch records,
belonged to a family which furnished two
Burgomasters to Amsterdam in Holland,
one being elected to that office nine
times. The Dewitts, who settled at the
Esopus (Kingston), and were the an-
cestors of Surveyor- General Dewitt of
this State, were closely related to the
celebrated Great Pensionary Dewitt of
Holland. Johannes de Laet, the author
of five books on America, published
during the years 1625 to 1648, did not
come himself to this country, but his
family did, and without doubt they were
well educated people. Rev. William
Leveridge of Oyster Bay, L. I., was a
graduate of Cambridge, England, and

2l6

NOTES

the first pastor of Huntington in 1658.
Richard and Lewis Morris, founders of
Morrisania, were sons of a well-to-do,
and, therefore, probably well-educated,
English family. I cannot continue this
list of names of persons, whose position
or birth entitled them to be classed
among the educated men of their times,
and will only briefly mention the Stuy-
vesants, Bayards, Beekmans, Schuylers,
Polhemus, Megalopolensis, Luyck, De
Sille, Van der Donck, Willett, Chambers,
De Vries, Van Tienhoven, La Montagne,
and others, who, in their capacity of
public officers, ministers, school teach-
ers, etc., formed a nucleus of educated
men, proportionately large, considering
the number of inhabitants in Dutch
times, and whose letters, as far as they
are extant, bristle with quotations from
Latin authors. With the English a num-
ber of more educated men came over,
as Mathias Nicolls, Robert Livingston,
William Smith, the historian of Colonial
New York, and a host of others too nu-
merous to mention.

All these men had been educated
abroad ; and I cannot understand Mr.
North's statement, that he "can re-
call the name of but one New York
colonist, Cadwallader Colden, who had
enjoyed educational advantages in the
mother country, and certainly there were
none such among the Dutch settlers, not
excepting the ministry." This slur is ut-
terly unwarranted, especially as far as the
Dutch ministry is concerned. Holland,
in her love for education, was the first
country, so history tells us, to establish
a system of free district schools. The
Dutch desire for knowledge is still fur-
ther demonstrated by the well-known

facts connected with the establishment
of the celebrated University of Leyden,
the Alma Mater of a Grotius, a Des-
cartes, a Fielding, a Goldsmith. With
free district schools and a university like
Leyden, it would have been almost im-
possible not to have the people generally
as well educated, comparatively, as the
people of the United States are to-day.
As to the education of the ministry of
New Netherland, among whom is to be
mentioned Dominie Johannes Megalo-
polensis, Doctor of Divinity (a title then
not given as now in mere courtesy, but
after a rigid examination), it is to be
remembered that the young man who
wished to become a minister, or a master
of a Latin school, had to prove, be-
fore matriculation at any continental
university or college, his previous clas-
sical education, including a knowledge
of the ancient languages, Greek, Latin
and Hebrew, and his college course of
three to five years made him thoroughly
acquainted with every branch of theology
or philology. I cannot understand, I
repeat, how men like Dr. Megalopolensis,
Rev. Peter Daille, Johannes Polhemus,
and others, can be said not to have en-
joyed as good an education as any of
the New England ministers.

The Dutch system of free schools was
undoubtedly introduced into the colony
as soon as there were children to benefit
by it. The earliest mention of a school
in New Netherland is made in 1633; and
in 1650, New Netherland, with a pop-
ulation of about 250 families, had a
number of schools, among which the
Latin school of New Amsterdam, where
the sons of such men in the province
received their education as could afford

NOTES

2i;

the expense of sending them there. Like
many other liberal institutions first es-
tablished by the Dutch, the free school
system was adopted later in Massachu-
setts.

Mr. North may without contradiction
claim for New England the palm in lit-
erature, but New Netherland was not
quite devoid of a literature of its own,
though the books were printed in Eu-
rope. I will only briefly mention the
11 Description of New Netherland," by
Adrian van der Donck, Doctor of Law,
who died in Westchester county in 1655 ;
Rev. Megalopolensis' book on the Mo-
hawk Indians, published in 165 1 ; Jo-
hannes de Laet's "The New World,"
published in Dutch, Latin and French
between 1625 and 1640, and the same
author's "Notes" and "Reply" to
Hugo Grotius' " Dissertation on the
Aborigines of America." Further, De
Vries' "Travels." But, on the other
hand, Mr. Campbell is also right, when
he says that no history of New York has
been written, because the official corre-
spondence during the first decades of her
existence is a sealed book to most people.
Few people think it worth their while to
study a language only for the purpose
of acquiring a knowledge of the early
colonial history of New York, and a
still smaller number would think of
learning to read " black-letter " for the
same purpose. The twenty or more
volumes of Dutch records in the State
archives, containing so much to throw
light upon the inner life of the colony ;
the records of Fort Orange, of Esopus
and of New Amsterdam are all waiting
to be made public, but the interest of
the great mass of the people of the State

is directed into other channels than to
know what originated their country and
made it what it is — a great State.
Albany. B. Fernow.

Poetry of the revolution. —

From the Webb MSS. Communicated by General
J. Watson Webb.

The Wat'ry God.
1st
The Wat'ry God, Great Neptune, lay
In dalliance soft and anxious Play

On Amphitrite's Breast ;
When up he reared his hoary Head
The Tritons shrunk, the.Nereids fled,
And all their Fear Confest.

Loud Thunder shook the Vast Domain,
The liquid world was wrapt in Flame,

The God amazed spoke ;
Go forth ye Winds, and make it known
Who dares thus shake my Corral Throne,

And fill my realms with smoke.

3d
The Winds, obsequious at his word,
Sprung strongly up t' obey their Lord,

And saw two Fleets away.
Hopkins commanded one brave Line,
The other Navy, How was thine

In Terror and dismay.

4th
They view America's bold Sons
Deal Death and slaughter from their Guns,

And strike the dreadfull Blow
That made ill-fated British slaves —
Seek Life by flying over the Waves,

Or sink to Shades below.

5th %
Amazed they fly and tell their Chief,
That How is ruined past relief,

And Hopkins Conquering rode.
1 Hopkins ! " says Neptune, " who is he
That dares usurp this power at sea,
And thus insult a God ! "

218

NOTES

6th
The Winds reply : " In distant Land
A Congress sits, whose martial Bands

Defy all Britain's force,
And when their floating Casstels Roll
From Sea to Sea, from Pole to Pole,

Hopkins directs their Course.

7 th

And when their Winged Bullets fly
To reinstate their Liberty,

Or scourge oppressive Bands,
Then Gallant Hopkins, calmly Great,
Tho' Death and Carnage round him wait,

Performs their dread Commands."

8 th

Neptune with vast amazement hears
How great this infant state appears,

What Feats their Heroes do ;
Washington's Deeds and Putnam's Fame,
Joined to great Lee's immortal Name,

And cries " Can this be true " ?

gth
" A Congress ! sure they are Brother Gods,
Who have such Heroes at their Nods

To govern Earth and Sea ;
I yield my Trident and my Crown
A Tribute due to such renown,

These Gods shall rule for me."
Finis.

A new Song

With Liberty fired, whilst god-like he glows,
His Heroes around him partake of his Flame ;

His Warriors in thousands their ardor disclose,
And pant for to tread in his footsteps to Fame.

His Life uniform, their Example supplies,
His Conduct their precept ; no other there
needs
To the Man who's resolv'd — if beside him he dies,
His Heart for fair Freedom still throbs as it
bleeds.

Beneath such a Chieftain, so great, good and wise,
Reflecting his valour, our Heroes shall move ;

And with his Renown, whilst our Glories arise,
Our armies shall ever invincible prove.

Even Victory now her broad pennons expands,
And holds forth the Wreath to encircle his
Brow ;
While Fame lifts her Trumpet to far distant
Lands,
His praises immortal, sonorous to blow.

Then Smile, O Columbia, in Beauty replete,
Thy aera of Liberty approaches nigh,

When Culture and Arts shall revive at thy Feet,
& Peace, wealth and plenty stand ministring by.

Thy Empire shall grasp at Ambitions boldhight,
Thy greatness shall travel, thy strength shall
not tire,
Till old Time, weary'd out, shall stop short in
his flight,
And prone on his own weapon fallen, expire.
Finis,

Dr. Byvanck, Horseneck, 1777

Let the Trumpet of Fame raise its shrill notes
on high,
While the Winds on their Wings the bold ac-
cents convey
Of great Washington's Name ! let the Nations
reply,
& Honour to the Sun wide his Banners display.

For Virtue and Valour walk close by his Side,
& Truth o'er his Head her Effulgence' reveals ;

His Soul to Discretion and Zeal is ally'd,

While his Country his Bosom with Fortitude
fills.

An Ode to His Excellency Gen. Washington

By David Humphrey

To Washington, who greatly brave,
Resolv'd his native land to save,

Or perish in the cause ;
To Washington, what praise belongs !
What marble busts ! what grateful songs !

What tributes of applause !

At freedom's call, the Hero rose,
Left each dear Scene, & sought our foes,
And brav'd their fiercest rage ;

NOTES

219

While they (for us a scourge design'd)
Within their walls inglorious pin'd.
Nor dar'd with him engage.

His Martiall Skill our legions form'd,
His glorious zeil their bosoms warm'd,

And fann'd the rising flame,
Like Fabius, he by wise delay
Forc'd Britain's bands to waste away,

Then bade them fly with shame.

His Vengeance struck them with dismay,
His thunders broke their firm array,

And wither'd all their host.
Why felt thy chiefs unusual dread ?
Where were thy sons O Britain fled,

To what ill-fated coast ?

But now the Cannon's thundering roar
Begins to echo round the shore,

And calls on youths from far,
Oh ! now may he, with glory crown'd,
While guardian Angels shield him round,

Triumphant guide the war.

At last (for so the fates decreed)
These climes by him from slav'ry freed,

And ev'ry wrong redrest —
While grateful Myriads hail his name,
May he, bright heir of deathless fame,

Long live supremely blest.

Welcome Hither each Brave Brother
For the Meeting of the Cincinnati, July, 1786

Welcome hither each brave brother,

Souls who nobly scorn to yield,
Friendship binds us to each other,

Friendship form'd in hostile field.

Chorus.
Hail Cincinnatus great in arms,

Thy sons revere thy name,
To them, like thee sweet peace, hath charms

When conquest crowns their fame.

Tyrants, here behold the foes

Can make your armies flee,
No more your slavish plan propose,

Columbia (now is) (shall be) free,

Chorus. — Hail, &c.

To freedom sacred be this day

In each revolving year,
And we'll our grateful homage pay

With hearts devoid of fear.

Chorus. — Hail, &c.

The prophetic gates. — The closing
paragraph in a letter of General Gates
to Washington, dated July 25, 1779, con-
tains a prophecy, the more remarkable in
that it has been realized. It must be
remembered that Captain Cook had cir-
cumnavigated the world for the benefit
of Great Britain a few years before.

" I am happy in congratulating your
Excellency, upon the Glorious Success
of Genl Wayne and His Intrepid Com-
panions. The American Arms have
now reached the summit of military fame
and George the 3d may seek for another
Continent in the Terra Australis ; for
he has lost this." J. A. S.

The BENSON house at harlem. —
This house, now occupied by Samson
Benson McGown, 106th Street near Lex-
ington Avenue, was used as a hospital
for the British army. The house has
since been turned to face 106th Street.
Mr. Benson was a grandfather of Mr.
McGown, and has repeatedly spoken to
him of, as he tells me, the blood-stained
floors during the occupation.
* Thomas F. DeVoe.

Death of colonel knowlton. — In
1878, during a long conversation with
Mr. Samson Benson McGown about the
antiquity of Harlem and its vicinity, I
called the attention of this well-informed
old gentleman to the battle of Harlem in
September, 1776. He informed me that

220

NOTES

he had been told repeatedly by his
father and grandfather that the brave
Colonel Knowlton was killed on the flats,
somewhere between 112th and 125th
Streets. Thomas F. DeVoe.

NEW YORK FISH MARKET IN 1 783.

From Mr. Gaine's Mercury, dated May
26. One day last week our Market af-
forded us no less than 23 different sorts
of fresh fish.

May 27
Mr. Rivington ! ! !

Having seen in Yesterday's Paper
that there were twenty-three kinds of
fresh Fish in the Market I want to know
if it will be below the Dignity of your
Royal Typographic Pen to announce to
us their Christened Names.

And while you, a very droll Fish, are
swimingly laying in your Post-Meridian
Tide of Goody-Burton or Barley Faler-
nian you may also tell us which of them
will make the best Prelude to the noted
Apres la Poisson toujour s, for much Good
it has often done to many of the old
Friends of

De Grege Epicuri, Porcus
— From Rivington s Royal Gazette, May

28, 1783. ICTHYOPAGUS.

THE FIRST AMERICAN FLAG RAISED IN

the British channel. — The Philadel-
phia American Daily Advertiser for
Saturday, December 23, 1820, has the
following notice :

" On Wednesday, the 13th inst., a let-
ter was received by the Senate and
House of Representatives of this State
from the executors of the late Captain
Gustavus Conyngham, presenting to the
Legislature, to be deposited in their

library, the first American flag that was
raised in the British Channel, of which
the following is copy :

"'To the Honorable the Speaker of the
House of Representatives : Sir — The ex-
ecutors of Captain Gustavus Conyng-
ham present to the Senate and House of
Representatives, to be deposited in the
State library, the first flag of the United
States of America that was raised in the
British Channel. It was made under the
direction of Dr. Benjamin Franklin for
the Government vessel Surprise, com-
manded by Captain Gustavus Conyng-
ham, in the year 1776.' "

I have ascertained that it was subse-
quently used among 'the decorations of
the Hall of Representatives, back of the
Speaker's chair. Also that it is not now
in any of the departments of the State
of Pennsylvania, and my informant
thinks it was taken to Philadelphia, and
has been stolen. This is unfortunate,
as it might solve the much-vexed ques-
tion whether the stars were on our flag
prior to the resolution of June 14, 1777.
I am of the opinion, however, that its
being made under the direction of Dr.
Franklin was a family tradition, and re-
ferred to the rattlesnake emblem of the
striped ensign, which preceded the Stars
and Stripes I send this note with a
faint hope it may meet the eye of some
descendant of Captain Conyngham, or
of some person who saw it over the
Speaker's chair, five or six years after
his death, who will be able to recall its
general features.

It is uncertain whether the Surprise
was a Government (Continental) or
Pennsylvania State cruiser.

Brookline. G. H. P.

NOTES

221

The good old times. — On Monday
Evening, the 14th. Instant, Forty-Five
Virgins of this City went in Procession to
pay their Respects to a Patriot [Alexan-
der McDougal], now unjustly confined
in the Common Jail. They were intro-
duced by a Gentleman of Note to the
Illustrious Prisoner, who entertained
them with Tea, Cakes, Chocolate and
Conversation adapted to the Company. —
New York Journal, March 22, 1770.
Petersfield.

Arnold's visit to the united states
in 1786. — Boston, August 3. The cele-
brated Mr. Benedict Arnold, formerly
in the service of the United States, but
now a British General on half pay, lately
paid a visit, in company with an English
officer, to the eastern flank of this Com-
monwealth, and in a very friendly man-
ner waited on Col. Allan at Dudley
Island, but tarried only a few hours,
judging it more expedient to sojourn in
Nova Scotia, than in a country ever
inimical to paricides. — New Haven Ga-
zette, August 10, 1786.

Petersfield.

Washington's simple tastes. —
Among the Webb manuscripts owned
by General J. Watson Webb, is the
following interesting letter, which shows
to what shifts our American officers
were put to make up a dinner and also
Washington's simple taste :

Robinson's 6th June 1782
Dear Sir,

General Washington dines with me to-
morrow ; he is exceedingly fond of salt
fish ; I have some coming up, & tho' it
will be here in a few days, it will not be

here in time — If you could conve-
niently lend me as much fish as would
serve a pretty large company for dinner
to-morrow (at least for one Dish), it will
oblige me, and shall in a very few days
be returned in as good Dun Fish as ever
you see.

Excuse this freedom, and it will add
to the favor — Could you not prevail
upon somebody to catch some Trout
for me early to-morrow morning ?

I am Dr Sir with great regard

your most obedient Servant,
Col Webb R. Howe

This is curious, as salmon were abun-
dant in those days. Iulus.

The book of common prayer. — It
appears by the proceedings of the con-
vention of the Protestant Episcopal
Church at Newark, N. J., on the 4th
inst., that a copyright in the Book of
Common Prayer, as altered by the late
General Episcopal Convention, had been
claimed by William Hall as proprietor
under the act of Congress. The con-
vention have remonstrated against this
claim, and declare that it is not well
founded — that such assumed exclusive
privilege is in its operation an imposition
on the members of that church ; and
they accordingly propose that the sev-
eral state conventions of Episcopal
clergy should take measures to have the
said book printed reasonably and expe-
ditiously, that a general supply of them
may be obtained. — The Universal Asy-
lum, June, 1 79 1. W. K.

General Washington and captain
asgill. — Mr. Johnston, in his observa-
tions on Judge Jones' History, defends

222

QUERIES

Washington from the charge of cruelty
brought against him by the Tory Ther-
sites, Judge Jones. Mrs. Pierre Van
Cortlandt of Cortlandt Manor has kindly
contributed to the series of Washington
letters, now being published in the
Magazine, one addressed to Colonel
Dayton on this subject. It is dated n
June, 1782. The postscript reads as
follows :

P. S. I am informed that Capt. Asgill is at
Chatham — without guard and under no Con-
straint. This, if true, is certainly wrong — I
wish to have the young gentleman treated with
all the tenderness possible consistent with his
preseVt situation, but until his Fate is deter-
mined he must be considered as a close prisoner,
to be kept with the greatest Security. I request,
therefore, that he be sent immediately to the
Jersey line, where he is to be kept close pris-
oner, in perfect security, till further orders.

I am as above, G. W.

Sparks printed in his collection a letter
nearly similar in expression. They con-
clusively dispose of the matter.

Editor.

The first garden in new England.
— The first garden in New England
that had any pretentions to the name of
a botanical garden, was reared by Mr.
Redwood, who founded the library. —
The Rhode Island Republican, November
22, 1857. J. E. M.

Rhode island the bath of America.
— Rhode Island, which is about fifteen
miles long, and from three to six broad,
has from its salubrity, variety, tempera-
ture, and surpassing beauty, been con-
sidered, during the past century, as the
Bath of America, and resorted to accord-
ingly, either for the summer season or as

a permanent residence of opulence and
literature leisure. Hence we may ac-
count for her numerous fine country
seats, and for her two distinct ranks of
people, her aristocracy, and her West
Indies and African traders ; her revo-
lutionary men, and her men of naviga-
tion. — The Rhode Island Republican,
November 22, 1857. J. E. M.

QUERIES

British salutes. — In the account of
Washington's visit to General Carleton
(Magazine of American History, V., 108),
mention is made of a salute of seven-
teen guns given to him on leaving the
ship, and the writer says that this was in
recognition of his army rank. On what
authority is this assertion based ?

w. c. s.

The boston beacon. — In the valu-
able Diary of a French Officer, Baron
du Bourg, printed in the March number
of the Magazine (IV., 208), I find a
mention of the high piece of ground
called the " Beacon," and on page 209
a description of the light (the original
French word, I understand from the
editor, is "fanalV), which does not ac-
cord with my previous knowledge of the
character of the structure. I had sup-
posed the Boston Beacon to be a tar-
barrel. Can no antiquary set this
straight ? Iulus.

New YORK prisons during the rev-
olution. — In Harpers' Weekly for July
17, 1880, there appeared a view, pur-
porting to be that of the "Old Sugar

QUERIES

223

House, corner of Rose and Duane
streets, used as a prison during the Rev-
olution," illustrative of an article en-
titled a " City of Prisons." The building
referred to was long known as the Rhine-
lander Sugar House, but I am not aware
that there is any evidence, or even tra-
dition, that it was used as a prison house
during the Revolution. Every new vol-
ume on New York history that ap-
pears contains some fresh blunder in re-
gard to localities. Miss Booth's, Mrs.
Lamb's and Bryant & Gay's, each in
turn ; and now the Weeklies seem to be
intent on befogging us also. Will not
some of your antiquarian subscribers
take up this matter and set it right ?

w. c. s.

The houdon mask. — Where is the
original mask of Houdon's statue of
Washington ? Houdon carried it to
Europe with him on his return. What
has since become of it ? A. B. G.

Monuments to the patriots. — Jo-
siah Dunham, in an oration pronounced
at Windsor, Vt., February 22, 18 14,
speaking of the honored dead of the
Revolution, used these words : " Go to
the tombs of Warren and Montgomery !
— of Wooster, of Mercer, of Nash, and
De Kalb ! Consult their Monuments :
They will tell you in language louder than
the thunders of Heaven the worth of
your liberties."

Is it true that monuments have been
erected over the tombs of all the soldiers
mentioned ? If so, what are the loca-
tions and inscriptions ?

Sudbury, Vt R. H.

A WASHINGTON RELIC. A lock of

General Washington's hair, which was
preserved in a golden urn by the Grand
Lodge of Massachusetts, has often been
referred to by the brethren as a price-
less heir-loom. Not having heard of it
lately, I venture to inquire if that inter-
esting relic is still in existence, and what
is its condition ?

As it may interest your Masonic sub-
scribers, I transmit a copy of the corre-
spondence connected with the gift by
Mrs. Washington. It lacks but the resolu-
tion of the Grand Lodge to make the
record complete :

Boston, January 11, 1800.
Madame,

The Grand Lodge of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts have deeply participated in the
general grief of their fellow citizens on the
melancholy occasion of the death of their be-
loved Washington.

As Americans, they have lamented the loss of
the Chief, who had led their armies to victory,
and their country to glory ; but as Masons they
have wept the dissolution of that endearing
relation, by which they were enabled to call him
their Friend and their Brother. They presume
not to offer you those consolations which might
alleviate the weight of common sorrows, for
they are themselves inconsolable. The object
of this address is, not to interrupt the sacred
offices of grief like yours ; but, whilst they are
mingling tears with each other on the common
calamity, to condole with you on the irreparable
misfortune which you have individually expe-
rienced.

To their expressions of sympathy on this
solemn dispensation, the Grand Lodge has sub-
joined an order that a golden Urn be prepared
as a deposit for a lock of hair, an invaluable
relick of the Hero and the Patriot, whom their
wishes would immortalize ; and that it be pre-
served with the jewels and regalia of the Society.

Should this favor be granted, Madam, it will
be cherished as the most precious jewel in the

224

REPLIES

Cabinet of the Lodge, as the memory of his vir-
tues will forever be in the hearts of its members.
We have the honour to be,
With the highest respect,

Your most obedient Servants,
John Warren
Paul Revere
Josiah Bartlett

Mrs. Martha Washington

Mount Vernon, January 27, 1800.
Gentlemen,

Mrs. Washington has received with sensibility
your letter of the 11 inst., enclosing a vote of
the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, requesting
a lock of her deceased husband's hair, to be pre-
served in a golden Urn, with the jewels and
regalia of the Grand Lodge.

In complying with this request, by sending
the lock of hair, which you will find enclosed,
Mrs. Washington begs me to assure you that
she views with gratitude the tributes of respect
and affection paid to the memory of her dear
deceased husband ; and receives, with a feeling
heart, the expressions of sympathy contained
in your letter.

With great respect and esteem,

I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient Servant,
Tobias Lear.
John Warren \

Paul Revere >■ Past Grand Masters
Josiah Bartlett )

Beacon Street.

REPLIES

Arnold at Saratoga. — (III.. 310.)
In the appendix to his life of Brant
Colonel William L. Stone printed a letter
to him from Samuel Woodruff, Esq., of
Windsor, Conn., who was a participator
in the battle of the 7th October, in
which occurs the following passage :

" Having introduced the name of Ar-
nold, it may be proper to note here, that
although he had no regular command

that day, he volunteered his service, was
early on the ground, and in the hottest
part of the struggle at the redoubts. He
behaved (as I then thought) more like a
madman than a cool and discreet officer.
Mounted on a brown horse, he moved
incessantly at a full gallop back and
forth, until he received a wound in his
leg, and his horse was shot under him.
I happened to be near him when he fell,
and assisted in getting him into a litter
to be carried to headquarters." .

This seems to be a fair estimate of
Arnold's generalship on this occasion.

Editor.

Andre's burial. — (V. s 57.) The last
four lines quoted from Miss Steward's
Monody charge directly upon the au-
thorities who presided at the execution
of Andre a denial of decent rites to his
corpse and a Christian requiem over his
grave. It is not usual to perform fu-
neral dirges over spies, but the absence
of any Christian priest or Christian ser-
vices from the death scene is explained
in another way than unwillingness on the
part of the Americans to admit such
ceremonies. The Fishkill letter of Oc-
tober 5th, published in the Connecticut
Gazette for October 10, 1780, supplies
the reason :

" We learn from Head Quarters that
Major Andre, Adjutant General of the
British Army, received the reward of his
dear earned labours, the gallows, last
Monday. His unhappy fate was much
regretted ; though his life was justly for-
feited by the law of nations. From his
behaviour it cannot be said but that, if he
did not die a good Christian, he died like a
brave soldier. Thus died in the bloom

REPLIES

225

of life Major Andr£, the pride of the
British Army, the friend and confidant
of Sir Henry Clinton. We further learned
that the truly infamous Arnold, through
whom this unfortunate gentleman lost his
life, has lodged information against sun-
dry persons in New York, supposed
friendly to our cause ; in consequence
of which upwards of fifty of them were
imprisoned."

From this allusion to Andre's want of
Christianity, it would seem that he
held the philosophic belief of the day,
and was a free thinker.

New York.

Spiliard the traveler. — (IV., 462.)
This famous pedestrian left England in
1784, and traveled on foot 69,000 miles
and upwards through all Europe, a great
part of Asiatic Turkey, through Bar-
bary, up to Manquinez and Fez, in Mo-
rocco, and through the Arab country.
Being desirous to add America to the
other three-quarters of the world, he
took passage in 1790 for Boston, and
traveled through most of the United
States. In February, 1792, he reached
Savannah, and took the Indian foot-
paths through the country to New Or-
leans ; he arrived at St. Augustine in
July, and proceeded through the wilder-
ness to visit the Creek nation, where he
remained a considerable time taking
notes. He also visited the Chickasaws,
Cherokees and Choctaws.

Spiliard went up the Missouri River
3,000 miles, but being deterred by the
Indians, he returned to Natchez, and so
down the Mississippi to the confluence
of the Red River, the source of which
he was determined to ascertain. In this

he was successful, and is said to have
been the first European to have taken a
draught of this river at its fountain
head. In 1795 he embarked for Eng-
land, was twice captured by French pri-
vateers fitted out at Charleston, but had
the good fortune to save his journal and
notes. He was finally taken on board
the frigate Thisbe at Halifax and car-
ried safely to his native land.

If his observations on the United
States and the Indian country still exist,
they will furnish much valuable material
for the modern investigator. It is hoped
some of your English readers may fur-
nish additional information with regard
to this interesting personage. W. K.

The first great quarto bible in
America. — (III., 311, 455.) In reply to
Mr. Clark Jillson's strictures on the pro-
priety of so calling the Bible printed by
Isaac Collins, which Caleb Cresson saw
the printers at work upon in August,
1 791, a word as to the history of the
Collins Bible is appropriate. In O'Cal-
laghan's list of the editions of the Holy
Scriptures and parts thereof printed in
America previous to i860 it is stated
that " Isaac Collins, a member of the
Society of Friends, originally from Del-
aware, but afterwards printer to the State
of New Jersey, and a resident of Tren-
ton, published a New Testament in demi-
octavo as early as 1788. In 1789 ap-
peared two proposals for publishing by
subscription the Holy Bible, to be con-
tained in one large volume, quarto, of
nine hundred and eighty-four pages, re-
printed page for page with the Oxford
edition ; the price, Four Spanish dol-
lars ; the work to be put to press as soon

226

REPLIES

as three thousand copies should be sub-
scribed for. The proposals bore an en-
dorsement of Collins by W. Livingston,
Governor of New Jersey, dated 1 1 Sep-
tember, 1788."

The project was favorably received by
the General Assembly of the Presby-
terian Church, and subscriptions recom-
mended May 25, 1789, and similar ac-
tion taken by the Protestant Episcopal
Church August 8, 1789, and by the
Baptist Association October 6, 1789.

On the 24th May, 1791, the General
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
requested that all the subscriptions be
detained, "as the impression is nearly
finished."

O'Callaghan says that Massachusetts
was the next to commence arrangements
for the publication of an edition of the
Bible. The prospectus of Isaiah Thomas
for a Royal Quarto Bible was issued No-
vember, 1789, and the edition printed in
December, 179 1.

O'Callaghan assigns the honor of hav-
ing printed the first Quarto Bible in
America to Carey, Stewart & Co., who
published the Douay translation, com-
plete in two volumes, at Philadelphia,
on the 1 st December, 1790. The enter-
prise was begun by Matthew Carey, a
native of Ireland-and a Roman Catholic,
on the 26th January, 1789. To the
Catholics, therefore, belongs the honor.

Editor.

De la neuville. — (III., 316,) In
the first volume of the Livingston Cor-
respondence (Governor William Living-
ston of New Jersey), a manuscript col-
lection belonging to S. L. M. Barlow of
New York, there is a translation of a

letter, written to the Governor from
Amsterdam, dated July 16, 1779, by
one Baron von (name not given), in
which occurs the following passage,
which may throw some light on the
Neuville family :

" Mr. Franklin is at present engaged
in a correspondence with Mr. John de
Neufville, Merchant and Banker here,
concerning a Plan of Negociation. They
have done me the Honour to desire my
Sentiments on the Subject, which I
have accordingly Communicated. I
would only further submit to Consider-
ation whether Congress would think
proper to have the Interest paid half
yearly, to give the public an opportunity
twice a year to see that the Interest was
punctually paid." * * * *

In a postscript the writer says : " I
am necessitated to ask your Excellency
that my Letters may not be made pub-
lic with his name, least his enemies h>
Holland should seek from them new
weapons to injure me." This accounts
for the absence of the letter and the sup-
pression of the name in the translation.

John Trumbull, in his autobiography
under the year 1781, says : "I called at
the Counting House of Messrs. John de
Neuville & Son, and there found im-
portant letters from my father. This
house was then in high mercantile re-
pute, and favorable to the cause of
America. The other great houses of
Amsterdam, the Hopes, Willinks, &c,
were in the English interest. I had seen
the junior partner of this house in Lon-
don (the Son), and Mr. de Neuville in-
vited me to accept an apartment in his
house, which I accepted."

Editor.

LITERARY NOTICES

227

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Postoffice.)

THE LIFE OF WI LLIAM ELLERY
Channing, D.D. The Centenary Memorial
Edition by his nephew, William Henry
Channing. Svo, pp. 719. American Uni-
tarian Association. Boston, 1880.
The wide spread interest taken in various
parts of the country in the celebration of the
Centenary of the birth of Channing, is ample
evidence to the hold this remarkable and
beautiful character still retains, on the culture
and intelligence of the country. It is natural
enough that the Unitarian Church should claim
his increasing fame to be the triumph of their
principles and doctrine, but this is to take a nar-
row view of the value of his teachings. In
fact the union of various sects and denominations
in this c owning act of honor shows that it was
to the man and not his religious tenets that the
homage was paid Among the many great Araer-
icins whose influence has extended beyond our
own country and been felt in the moral thought
of the century there is probably no one whose
example has made a more permanent impression
than the great Apostle of liberal Christianity; of a
church, broad in the truest sense of the word; and
of a hum inity truly large. Nor does it often
occur to the mind in thinking of Channing to re-
member him as a preacher or teacher of religion,
but rather as one in the host of great moralists,
who, like Zoroaster and Confucius, Plato and
Aristotle, Chrysostomus and Luther, belong to all
ages. So general, even at the time of his death,
was this appreciation of his character that it is
related that as the funeral procession followed
his body from the Church, the bell of the
Roman Catholic Cathedral tolled his knell.

The study of a life full as that of Channing ;
the knowledge of a moral and intellectual nature,
pure and elevated as his, cannot but elevate and
instruct, give strength to the wavering, vigor to
the strong and guidance to practical philan-
thropy.

Born at Newport on the 7th April, i73o, of a
New England stock distinguished on b >th sides
for character, intelligence and culture, and on that
of his mother for extreme gentleness and amenity,
he inherited the best traits of both strains. After
a preliminary training of unusual care under the
guidance of his uncle the Rev. Henry Chan-
ning, of New London, he entered Harvard
College as Freshman, in 1794, being then in his
fifteenth year. It was in his senior year, to use
his own words that ' ' the prevalence of in-
fidelity imported from France, led me to
enquire into the evidence of Christianity and
then / found out for what I was made" In
a word he saw his vocation, understood his

calling, in technical phrase, to be that of a
Searcher into truth and a Moral Teacher. A
curious instance, related by his biogiapher,
opened his eyes with suddenness to one of the
most difficult problems with which the moral-
ist has to, contend ; the relation between moral
feeling and active benevolence. His process
of self-examination and the keen analytic
character of his mind are well shown in this
anecdote. As a result of his inward speculation
he determined that there is no moral merit
in possessing feeling and that virtue does not
consist in feeling but in acting from a sense of
duty. And this may be taken as the key note of
his character. His speculations on the doctrinal
points of Christianity gave h mmore serious con-
cern and were not so easy of solution. It was
while i.i Richmond, where interest on religious
subjects was slight and infidelity general among
the higher classes, that he finally determined his
career and consecrated himself to the service of
Christianity as a faith. In 1801, though he had
just reached his majority he was elected Regent
in Harvard University, an office which gave him
the slight pecuniary assistance he required to
continue his studies, in all of which he followed
well considered rules, carefully ordering his life
towards the object he had assigned for it.

At the close of his theological studies, being
then in his twenty-third year, he received the
• ' approbation to preach from the Cambridge As-
sociation." There was at this time no Divinity
School at Harvard to give a current stamp to the
student's doctrine. There was some doubt to
which side he would lean in the earnest discus-
sion which was then engrossing the minds of
thinking men. For a time, he says ill health and
depression of spirits gave him a dark view of
things, and he verged toward Calvinism ; but from
the first he rejected the doctrine of the Trinita-
rians. In 1802 he received and accepted a warm
invitation from the Federal Street Church, Boston,
to become their Minister and was duly ordained
June 1, 1S03, and this connection was only
severed by his death. Pastor and congregation
were in happy accord. With Unitarianism as a
creed Channing showed little sympathy, but in the
words of his biographers "he conscientiously be-
lieved it was an advance toward an unobscured
view of the Christian religion. His religious
belief was in the Church Universal — a church in
which a common acticn should dominate and
dwarf all differences of opinion.

His ideas of conduct he labored to embody
with profound study in a great work on the
" Principles of Moral, Religious and Political
Science." This work, the central thought of
which Mas that the true perfection of man, is the

228

LITERARY NOTICES

great idea of the Moral Sciences, was never com-
pleted. Eight chapters devoted to an analytic
synthetic view of human nature were composed
in the following order : I. Sensations; II. Idea
of Matter; III. Idea of the I or Self; IV.
External Perception ; V. Internal Perception ;
VI. Conception ; VII. Memory ; VIII. Dis-
cernment of Relations.

It has been seen that Channing's first impulse
towards a religious life came from his aversion
to the infidelity imported from France. This
aversion to the French tinged also his political
prejudices. He carried his animosity to Bona-
parte to the verge of passion ; — and forgetting
the incalculable services he rendered the cause of
liberty as the armed incarnation of the revolution,
he looked upon his death as the enfranchisement
of the world. On this occasion his enthusiastic
hearers, as devout admirers of Great Britain and
haters of France, as himself, forgot that they
were met in the house of God and excited
by the fervor of his eloquence broke into wild
applause. But warm as were Channing's sym-
pathies with Great Britain he did not forget that
his country was at war with her and gave no
countenance to the efforts of those who attempted
to stop the contest ; even by threats of secession
from the Union. Nothing else could be expected
of a mind like that of Channing, but a condem-
nation of the system of slavery, yet he seems to
have entered slowly and warily into the measures
of the immediate abolitionists. His book on
slavery appeared in 1835, at an opportune
moment, when freedom of speech had been com-
promised in Boston by the ' ' mob of highly
respectable gentlemen," who broke up public
meetings and threatened the orators with the
tar kettle. He doubted the expediency of
agitating the question in Congress, but joined
in the petition to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia as a disclaimer by public act of all
participation in the National guilt. He pene-
trated the purpose of the annexation of Texas to
the Union and foresaw the terrible consequences
of the national crime.

Reverie, Channing said on one occasion, had
once been the hectic of his soul. Meditation
had been its life. The habit of deep intro-
spection which has been observed as the trait
of his youth, call it by what name he may, was
the habit of his life ; and his greatest enjoy-
ments came from its pursuit. With this tran-
quility of mind and devoutness of spirit he
had the great love of nature which is their usual
companion and alike a love of children and of
home.

The author of the life has presented his work
in the form of an autobiography, the selections
from Channing's manuscripts being well ar-
ranged in the two-fold order of subject and of
time. Three parts are divided into appropriate
chapters, the titles of which greatly assist in an

easy comprehension of the volume, and there is
in addition a full and well prepared index.

REMINISCENCES OF REV. WILLIAM
Ellery Channing. By Elizabeth Palmer
Peabody. i6mo, pp. 459. Roberts Broth-
ers. Boston, 1880.

This is a volume of another character from
the Life or Autobiography written by the nephew
of this illustrious humanitarian. Among the
letters preserved by Mr. Channing in his life of
his uncle, none is of greater value as showing
the precise nature of his belief than that in
which he avows his belief in the Christian mira-
cles. And there are others in the same volume
which show the intimate intellectual relation
and confidence existing between the divine and
this companion of his confidence. Quoting the
well-known phrase of Ecketmann, who, in the
beginning of his Reminiscences of Goethe
confessed his inability to give a complete im-
age of the original, yet said : " I dare to
give to the world my Goethe," this lady offers
" her Channing ;" the Channing she knew inti-
mately for twenty years. The work treats es-
sentially of Dr. Channing's mind in its religious
aspects, and of himself as the exponent of that
Unitarian protest of New England which she
claims to have been rather a moral than an
intellectual movement. This Unitarian protest
was, in her own words, in the first place, against
ecclesiasticism as not the church of Christ and
rose from the laity ; against Trinity as an
unscriptural word which had produced a system
of thitheism and finally against the doctrine of
an universal, inherited total depravi y.

These reminiscences of Dr. Channing include
numerous accounts of his celebrated sermons
and some pleasing anecdotes of his personal
traits and habits.

CELEBRATION OF THE ONE HUN-
DREDTH Anniversary of the Birthday
of William Ellery Channing ; at the
Church of the Saviour, and at the Academy
of Music, Brooklyn, N. Y., Tuesday and
Wednesday, April 6 and 7, 18S0. 8vo, pp.
205. George H. Ellis. Boston, 1880.
These pages present a detailed record of the
memorial services on the centenary of Chan-
ning's birth. They were four in number ; a
Religious Commemoration, a Memorial Meet-
ing, Social Festival, and a Meeting at the
Academy of Music. At the first a commem-
orative discourse was delivered by the Rev-
A. P. Peabody. At the second brief remarks
were made by a number of clergymen of dif-
ferent denominations. The Social meeting

LITERARY NOTICES

229

was a pleasant conversational gathering in the
interval of the morning and evening meetings
of the 6th. Among the orators of the evening at
the Aca-lemy of Music were George William
Curtis, the reverends Dr. Collyer and Henry
Ward Beecher. On this occasion clergymen of
all denominations gathered on the platform, and
the large hall was thronged. It will rank as
one of the most remarkable meetings ever held
in this country. Never before have represen-
tative men of different denominations been
united in a movement of respect to an apostle
of one ; and in this case, it must be remem-
bered, of a faith which not a quarter of a cen-
tury since was held to be so near to infidelity
that the difference was not worth discussion.

THE LIFE OF GEN. JAMES A. GAR-
field. By J. M. Buxdy. Illustrated. i6mo,
pp. 239. A. S. Barnes & Co. New York,
1SS0.

A nomination by one of the great political
organizations to the Presidency of the United
States, gives to the fortunate candidate a pre-
scriptive right to a score of biographies, at the
lowest count. General Garfield will have his
full share, but we doubt whether any will take
the place in popular favor which seems to be
already bespoken for that of Major Bundy, the
enterprising editor of one of our Republican
organs, the Evening Mail. Certainly none can
be more reliable as to its facts, the author hav-
ing the benefit of personal acquaintance with
the distinguished statesman, the incidents of
whose life he relates, while the peculiar advan-
tages a newspaper editor has over the world at
large for the collection and digestion of the
politico-economic data which enter into the
electoral problem, will make his book most
valuable as a "treasury of facts," from which
the campaign orators may draw with com-
fortable assurance of accuracy.

Every man in this country — ~>r perhaps it
would be better to say every presidential candi-
date — has begun somewhere. The Garfields
were of Massachusetts origin. Men who, after
standing by the old Bay State through thick and
thin for generations, fighting the Indians and
the Frenchmen, and at last the troops of King
George, emigrated to the west for elbow room.
There, in a log cabin in a hole in the forest, in
the wilderness of Orange, in the county of Mus-
kingum, State of Ohio, James A. Garfield was
born in 1831.

To be born in a log cabin is not of itself a
sure title to political honor, but to be born in a
log cabin, take kindly to study while carrying on
the hard struggle for existence with nature and
the elements, and to lift oneself by sheer perse-
verance, force of will, mental and bodily endur-

ance, to the highest rank among the leaders of
the land, his always been and will always be a
certificate of character in the eyes of the Ameri-
can people. Such a man is necessarily a repre-
sentative man. No one who has seen the
sturdy, thick set frame of General Garfield, can
doubt his enormous energy. He is of that
medium stature, deep chested and thick necked ;
of that type who rule the world, for the simple
reason that they were born to rule it. They
hold their place by the right of selection of the
fittest. When a youth is compelled to teach
school in order to acquire the means for his own
instruction, it follows as a matter of course that
he educates himself. There is no road to learn-
ing so direct as that of conscientious teaching.
Young Garfield went to Williams, where he was
graduated with high honors, and with something
worth more than that, the unreserved confi-
dence of President Hopkins. Returning to
Ohio, he became first Professor of Latin and
Greek, then President of the Western Reserve
College at Hudson, whence the influence of
his character spread so fast and far that he was
called to public service, and throwing himself
heartily into the ranks of the republican party,
the new party which was rapidly absorbing the
youth of the country, he was elected State
Senator in 1859, when only twenty-eight years
of age. When the war broke out, Garfield
espoused the cause with his usual vigor, and was
soon made Colonel of one of the Ohio regi-
ments, and joined Buell's command. He did
good service in the western campaigns, and was
promoted Brigadier General by Lincoln. Later
he was Chief of Staff to Rosencranz. In the
winter of 1863 he resigned his commission to
take the seat in Congress to which he had been
elected by the Nineteenth Congressional Dis-
trict, where he at once took rank as a man of
independent character, of remarkable powders of
labor as a committee man, the arduous work of
Congress. He left the field, where military
promotion was open, only at the earnest request
of his friends, who considered that there was
more need of great talent in the halls of Con-
gress than in the Army. On the withdrawal of
Mr. Blaine from the House, the leadership of
the party fell to him by common consent. It
would be difficult to find in the history of the
House of Representatives the record, of any
member, more full of substantial work than
that of General Garfield. After a long and
unbroken service of twenty years, he has
recently been unanimously chosen United States
Senator. That Judge Thurman himself moved
that his nomination be made unanimous, is suffi-
cient testimony to the estimation in which he is
held by those who know him best, the companions
of his childhood and the rivals or friends of his
mature age. If it be the will of this great
nation of fifty millions of people that he become

230

LITERARY NOTICES

its President, they may rest assured that in his
hands the Republic will suffer no detriment,
either at home nor abroad.

THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF
Winfield Scott Hancock, Major General
United States Army : Democratic Nomi-
nee for President in 1880. By A. T.
Freed. i6mo, pp.90. Henry A. Sumner
& Co. Chicago, 1880.

This is the first of the campaign biographies of
the illustrious soldier, who by a turn of the wheel
of fortune has been selected by the Democratic
party as their candidate for the Presidency of the
country. After the de eat of Lee at Gettysburgh,
it became plain to the sharp sighted that Mc-
Clellan was no longer an available candidate,
though the well trained organization whose figure
head he was, refused to abandon the forlorn hope
in 1864. But the candidacy of Hancock is no
new idea ; at the time when he returned from
the Pennsylvania battle field with honorable
wounds and fresh laurels, and engaged in recruit-
ing the second army corps in New York, he
was brought into personal contact with the citi-
zens, and was selected by a small band of the
war democrats as a possible candidate for the
Presidency. In 1868 his name was first pressed
for the nomination, and he was defeated by
Horatio Seymour. The author of this handy
volume confines himself chiefly to the war record
of the candidate. His civic claims to the magis-
tracy of the country are dismissed in a few pages.
We are told that c n his appointment to the
military command of the Department of Louisiana
and Texas, "he was called upon to decide
whether the States embraced in his department
were to be governed by the people living in them
or by the military authorities under instructions
from Washington." This is no place for a dis- .
cussion either of the political question involved
or the military duty < f an officer. We had
supposed that military officers were under the
orders of their superiors, and that unquestioning
obedience was their bounden duty, with the
alternative of resignation. Any other practice
would lead inevitably to a state of Mexican
anarchy, with civil and military pronunciamentos.
The question is- pertinent, how Hancock him-
self would treat an inferior win should venture
even to proclaim his opinions against his orders,
far more to dis bey them. Hancock was not
sent to the South to govern at discretion, but
uder orders. General Grant treated him with
mild forbearance and annulled his orders, until
Hanc >ck, recognizing the untenable nature of
his position, asked to be relieved from his com-
mand. Whereupon he was assigned to the
department of the Atlantic, with his headquarters
in the Democratic stronghold i f New York.

General Hancock is a high toned, honorable
gentleman, a Democrat of the Democrats, but
neither a p litician nor a statesman ; in other
words, wholly unused to civil administration.
His claims for the Presidency are pressed on the
ground that he will conciliate the North and
South. If elected, however, he must either
cany out the policy of the southern wing of the
Democracy, which rules supreme in the party by
reason of its solidity, or else be in collision with
his administration. Either alternative is to be
deprecated. The country is not ready for the
restoration of .«• ouihern rule in its councils, and a
repetition of the scenes which happened under
the administrati ns of Tyler and Johnson, w r ho
each in turn broke from the parties which elected
them, is greatly to be deprecated. No Presi-
dent can rule except in harmony with his
administration.

TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT
of the Corporation of the Chamber of
Commerce of the- State of New York
for the year 1S79-80. In two parts. Com-
piled by George Wilson, Secretary. 8vo,
pp. 243. Press of the Chamber of Com-
merce. New York, 1S80.
We again invite attention, by a review of
this admirable statistical work, to the remarka-
ble feaiures presented by the United States. Pas-
sing by the resume of the various special trade
reports on subjects which have li: tie of interest
to the general public, we extract the gist of the
volume and invite careful examination of the
facts stated and the lesson drawn.

TRADE SUMMARY

Fiscal Year. — ■ The total foreign imports into the
United States, including specie and bullion, in the year
ending June 30, 1879, amounted to $466,075,775, against
$466,872,846 for the previous year. The total domestic
exports of the United States, including specie and bullion, ,
amounted to $717,093,777, against $722,811,815.

Calendar Year. — The total imports of merchandise
into the United States for the calendar year 1879 amounted
to $513,745,748, against $431,812,483 in 1878, showing an
increase in 1879 o f $81,933,265. The total exports, do-
mestic and foreign, for 1*79 amounted to $765,159,825,
against $737,092,073 in 1878, showing an increase in 1879
of $28,067,752. The total foreign trade of the United
States, exports and imports, exclusive of specie and
bullion, for 1S79 amounted to $1,278,905,573, against
$1,168,904,556 in 1878, an increase of $110,001,017.

BALANCE OF TRADE OF THE UNITED STATUS

In our last report the balance of trade, or, in other
words, the excess ot the aggregate value of exports over
imports for the calendar year 1878, was shown to be over
three hundred millions of dollars in favor of the United
States. For the past year the balance of trade exceeded
two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, as will be seen
by the following statement :

Exports, calendar year 1879 $765,159,825

Imports, " " " 5 I 3 1 745>748

Balance of trade in 1879 $251,414,077

iV " ik 1878 305,343,028

Total $556,757^oS-

LITERARY NOTICES

231

This large sum of over five hundred and fi/ty-zix
millions is represented by the increase of the stock of
precious metals and the liquidation of indebtedness to
foreign nations. If the business of the country be man-
aged with prudence for a few years, the centre of trade
will be transferred to this ciiy. and with it the centre of
exchanges, and in another decade we may become also
the financial centre of the world.

COIN— CURRENCY— BANKS

In the entire retrospect of this interesting year, which
will, it is to be hoped, be counted as the opening of a long
era of national prosperity, there is no point of such im-
portance in the eyes of the economic student as the in-
crease, by production and importation, of the stock of
precious metals, which is the very base of every sound
financial system.

The year of 1877 was, as noticed in our last review,
the first year since 1861 that the United States was able
to retain any considerable portion of the annual product
of its mines. The year 1878 was the first year in which
we not only retained the entire annual product, but, in
addition, received large sums of gold and silver on ac-
count of the heavy balance of trade in our favor. The
form of statement now presented is precisely that of last
year:

Statement for Fiscal Year. — Production, as esti-
mated by the deposits and purchases at the Mint ofgold
and silver, for the year ending June 30, 1879, { o have

been $65,484,434

Imports during same period 20,296,000

Total addition > $35.78°,434

Exports and re-exports during same period,

deducted 24,997,441

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, $60,782,993

The increase in the fiscal year ending June

30, 1877, was $65,145,241

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1878. . 72,951,507

Add for increase, as above, to June 30, 1879. . 60,782,993

Increase in fiscal years 1377-79 $198,879,741

To arrive at the amount of coin in the country, we
again, as in previous years, take as the point of departure
the estimate of the late Dr. Linderman, the Director of
the Mint, of the amount of gold and silver in the Fall of
1873, point of the lowest decline, an estimate which has
been accepted by our most eminent statisticians :
Stock of gold and silver in 1873— Dr. Linder-

man's estimate $140,000,000

Production, 1873 to l8 79 360,659,763

Imports of coin, 1873 to 1879 156,184,032

Total $656,843,795

Less exports, 1873 to J 879 330,168,623

In the country, June 30, 1879 $326,675,172

In the country. June 30, 1878 . . $265,892,179

Increase to June 30, 1879 60,782,993

$326,675,172

Calendar Year. — To obtain approximately the amount
of coin in the country on the 1st January, 1880, an addi-
tion must be made for the increase of the last s x months,
both by product and imporiation, the latter of which
show figures startling in their novelty and magnitude :

Amount in the country, June 30, 1879 $326,675,172

Estimated production to 1st Jan-
uary, 1880 $32,000,000

Imports, July, 1879, to January,

1880 84,087,868

$116,079,868
Less exports and re-exports, July,

1879, to January, 1880 9,068.303

Increase, July, 1879, to January, 18S0 107,019,565

Amount ofgold in country, January 1, 1880. . $433,694,737

The manner in which the coin in the country is dis-
tributed appears in the following statement :
Coin in the Treasury, as per statement of the

public debt, December 31, 1879 $ J 58,307,59o

Coin held by the National Banks, as by the
statement of the Comptroller of the Cur-
rency, December 31, 1879 54,725,096

Coin in outside holding 220,662,051

Total, January 1,1880 $432,694,737

This sum of four hundred and thirty-three millions
of coin exceeds any ever reported in the history of the
United States. In 1854 Mr. Guthrie, Secretary of the
Treasury, estimated the amount at two hundred and
for;y-one millions; in 1861 Mr. Pollock, Superintendent
of the Mint, at two hundred and seventy-one to three
hundred millions. All the depletions of succeeding
years were shown to have been already repaired in the
statement of last year. If the country be true to itself,
if the directors of the finances seize the favorable oppor-
tunity, which this great addition to our store of precious
metals affords, to withdraw sufficient paper to admit of
the free circulation of gold and silver from hand to hand,
the prosperity of the country for a long period is assured ;
if, on the contrary, this addition to the money of the
country only serve as a basis for an expansion of bank
credits, a financial revulsion is sure to occur.

The amount of'coinage of the precious metals for the
past three years is also deserving of notice, as showing
the extent to which the increased stock is available for
the daily transactions of life. In the three years ending
June 30, 1879. the sum amounted to two hundred and
twenty-two millions of dollars.

currency

An examination of the condition of the currency of the
country and of the banks may be examined with prcfit
in this connection. By the official statement of the
public debt there were outstanding of o'd demand and
legal-tender notes and fractional currency, December

31, 1879 •• $362,416,669

National Bank notes, as by statement of the

Comptroller of the Currency, December

31, l8 79 321,949,154

Total paper currency in circulation :

January 1, 18-0 $680,365,823

January 1, 1879 670,873,225

Increase of paper, January 1, 1880 $13,492,598

Turning to the statement of the Comptroller — showing
the condition of the National Banks, January 1, 1880, as
compared with the same date of 1879, it will be found
that their loars and discounts were nine hundred and
thirty-four milliors in 1879, against eight hundred and
twenty-four millions in 1878, an increase of one hundred
and ten millions. That their total resources and liabili-
ties respectively amounted in i8£o to nineteen hundred
and twenty-five millions, against eighteen hundred and
one millions in 1879, an increase cr expansion of one
hundred and twenty-four millions. That the legnl-tender
notes held by them amounted to fifty-five millions in
1880, against seventy-one millions in 1879, ar| d tne specie
to seventy-nine millions in 1880, against forty millions in
1879. The latter is a movement in the right direction.

THE ERA OF PROSPERITY

The most careless review of these pages is sufficient to
show that the United States has again fully entered on a
period of marvellous activity. Such rapid movement is
inevitab'y accompanied by considerable fluctuations, and
is not devoid of individual danger. Never so much as
now has it been the duty of every leader cf opinion,
whether a great merchant or a director of financial insti-
tutions, to exercise discretion, and to set an example to
others.

It must be remembered that the business of the country
has never been so independent of control by financial cor-
porations, and so left to itself, as at present. In other
countries, where financial policy is directed by the great

232

LITERARY NOTICES

banking institutions connected with the Government, as,
for example, the Bank of France and the Bank of Eng-
land, the course of exchanges is watched by their man-
agers— men of wide range of observation and great
experience — and the rate of discount is fixed to meet the
immediate or prospective situation of trade. This bank
rate serves as a financial barometer, by which the mer-
chant may govern his operations. In the days of the old
United States Bank that institution served the same pur-
pose as a financial regulator. Later the adoption of the
Sub-Treasury system by the United States entirely sep-
arated the banks from the Government, and the State
banks were left to control the immediate financial move-
ments of the business community. In New York these
were brought into homogeneous action by the Clearing
House system. The new order of National Banks, ex-
cellent as it is in its uniform circulation, provides for no
such regulation of the rate of discount, by advice or
action at a financial centre, where the demand and supp'y
of money are quickest felt and anticipated, but leaves
each bank to its independent action.

We cannot too earnestly entreat each one of
our readers, who has the welfare of his country
at heart, to ponder over these significant figures,
and to cast his influence for a congressional ac-
tion which will restore gold to our circulating
medium, and settle on a firm basis the prosperity
of the nation.

AMERICAN POEMS — LONGFELLOW,
Whittier, Bryant, Holmes, Lowell,
Emerson. With biographical sketches and
notes. The Riverside Press. Houghton,
Osgood & Co Boston, 1879.
This charming little volume has been prepared
for the reading of young people, and is made
up of longer poems than usually find place in
American Readers. The selections are of the
highest order, and the compiler has added a
variety of foot notes, which contribute to an
understanding of the historic and other allusions
of the text. We notice with delight among the
poems Lowell's exquisite Lay of Sir Laun-
fal, which has the odor of the best of the simple
fabliaux of the middle ages. That the volume
comes from the Riverside Press is sufficient war-
rant of its typographical merit.

LIFE OF WILLIAM EUGENE HAR-
WARD. By Rev. Frank E. Clark. i2mo,
pp. 176. Hoyt, Fogg & Denham. Port-
land, 1879.

The subject of this simple and sympathetic
sketch was born in Portland in 1839, and died
there in 1874. At the outbreak of the Civil War
he was engaged in a store in New York City,
and was one of the Seventh Regiment of
National Guards, famous in story and song.
His account of his service is graphic. With
him at Annapolis, to which the regiment marched,
were Fitz James O'Brien, Winthrop, Shaw,
Farnham, LeFort, Miller, Alden, Trenor, Kelly,
Chapman, Marshall, Harrison, and others, all of

whom fell in command at other periods during
the war. His recollections of these and others
of his companions are attractive reading. The
second part of the volume gives his experience
of European travel. As a whole it is a pleasing
bit of personal experience.

GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT'S TOUR
Around the World. Embracing speeches,
receptions, and description of his travels, with
a biographical sketch of his life. Edited by
L.T. Remlap. i6mo, pp. 394. I. Fairbanks
& Co. Chicago, 1879.

Differ as men may with regard to General
Grant's abilities as a soldier, a statesman and a
ruler, history will hold him as the most remark-
able personage who has appeared on earth's sur-
face since Napoleon. All the progresses of Em-
perors, Kings, Princes and Presidents are
dwarfed into insignificance compared with that
upon which, in a tour embracing the great coun-
tries of the earth, this plain, unpretending citizen,
without state, or parade, or suite, was hailed by
Governments and. races as the representative
man of the fifty millions of people who now
dominate and master an entire continent. And
to the praise of this well-poised nature, even his
bitterest enemies cannot but admit that never
for one moment, amid the adulations of the
hour, did he assume to himself, as an individ-
ual, one breath of the incense which was burned
in his honor. And, since his return, in the heat of
party strife and the turmoil of political divisions,
he has maintained the same dignified composure
that on the battle-field and in the cabinet has
earned for him the significant name of the
" Silent Man." The incidents of the tour are
told in a simple manner in this volume.

CLASSICAL WRITERS. Edited by John
Richard Green. Euripides, by T. P. Mu-
iiaffy. i2mo, pp. 144. D. Appleton & Co.
1879.

This monograph of the immortal dramatist is
an effort to rescue from obscurity the life of one
of the greatest authors of ancient times, and to
reconstruct the moral and mental character of the
individual by a study of the time in which his
life was cast. In the analysis of the plots in
Euripides, however, the author shows best his
critical acumen. He very properly divides the
great tragedies into dramas of character and
dramas of situation, the former representing the
will of man in conflict with an irreversible fate,
yet supreme in dignity even in defeat ; in the
other, man pursued by a succession of misfor-
tunes, visitations from the gods, against which
it is folly to rebel and useless to repine.

LITERARY NOTICES

233

HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE ST.
Louis University ; the Celebration of its
Fiftieth Anniversary or Golden Jubilee on
June 24, 1879. By Walter H. Hill, S. J.
i6mo. Patrick Fox. St. Louis, 1879.
This, an outline history of the first college
established by the Jesuit Society in the Western
States, was prepared in 1869 ; 10 it is added an
account of the proceedings of the Jubilee
celebrated June 24. 1879. on the fiftieth anni-
versary of the founding of the University. The
historic chapters give a full account of the prog-
ress of the order in Missouri from the year 181 5,
when William Louis Dubourg was consecrated
Bishop of Upper and Lower Louisiana, of which
the territory of Missouri then made part. The
new prelate arrived at St. Louis, and took up
his residence in January, 181S, and following in
the footsteps of his eminent predecessors in the
proselyting order, laid broad plans for the
Christianizing of the Western tribes of Indians.
In 1823 a farm was begun on the slopes of
Florissant, and a school for Indian boys begun ;
but soon the necessity of training the young men
who had dedicated themselves to the work, for
their mission, both as priests and teachers was
manifest, and the scheme of establishing a
college, which had been for some time contem-
plated, was carried into effect ; a foundation was
laid in the city of St. Louis, and the building
was opened in November, 1829. The college
grew rapidly, and the St. Louis University has
now eleven buildings, covering a front of eight
hundred feet, a fine library, museum, and col-
lection of costly instruments for purposes of
instruction. In 1829 the college numbered four-
teen members, in 1 8 79 the number had reached
three hundred and thirty-four.

REPORTS AND COLLECTIONS OF THE
State Historical Society of Wisconsin,

FOR THE YEARS 1877, 1878, AND 1879. Vol.

VIII. 8vo, pp. 571. David Atwood.

Madison, 1879.

This volume opens with the twenty-third
Annual Report, January 2, 1877, which relates
the progress of the Society from its re-organiza-
tion and beginning of real efficiency in January,
1S54. In that period, thanks to the enlightened
liberality of the Legislature of the State, and
the excellent judgment and executive service of
its management, it has increased its Library at a
rapid rate, until it now numbers over seventy
thousand volumes and pamphlets ; a prog-
less compared with which that of many of our
eastern institutions, where the wealth is an
hundred fold greater, and the culture is pre-
sumed to be more widely extended, because of

the larger number of persons of leisure for
literary pursuits, is but a snail's pace. The
twenty-fifth Annual Report for January, 1879,
shows that the growth of the library continues,
and that it already has one of the very best his-
torical collections in the country.

Passing to the papers preserved in this volume,
we find the following titles : The Ancient Cop-
per Mines of Lake Superior, by Jacob Hough-
ton; Pre-historic Copper Implements, byEdmund
F. Slafter ; Mode of Fabrication of Ancient
Copper Implements, by Lyman C. Draper; The
Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, by Edward
Brown ; Notes on Jean Nicolet, by Benjamin
Suite ; Early Historic Relics of the Northwest,
by James D. Butler; Langlade Papers, 1737-
1800; An Incident of Chegoimegon, 1760;
Capture of Mackinaw, 1763 ; A Menomonee
tradition ; Green Bay and the Frontiers, 1763-
65 ; The Indian Wars of Wisconsin, by Moses
M. Strong ; Wisconsin in 1818, by Edward
Tanner ; Reminiscences of the Northwest, by
Mary Ann Brevoort Bristol ; Early Times at
Fort Winnebago, and Black Hawk War Remin-
iscences, by Satterlee Clark ; Recollections of
Rev. Eleazer Williams, by A. G. Ellis ; Addi-
tional Notes on Eleazer Williams, by Lyman C.
Draper ; Early Exploration and Settlement of
Juneau County, by J. T. Kingston ; The Swiss
Colony of New Glarus, by John Lucksinger ;
Additional Notes on New Glarus, by J. Jacob
Tschudy ; Wisconsin Necrology, 1876-8, by
Lyman C. Draper.

Of these papers none will attract more gen-
eral attention than those on Eleazer Williams,
which finally dispose of the claims of the vis-
ionary and scheming half-breed to be the long
lost Prince — the Dauphin of France.

A HISTORY OF BRISTOL PARISH, VA.;
with Genealogies of Families connected there-
with, and historical illustrations. By Rev.
Philip Slaughter, D. D. i6mo, pp. 237.
Second edition. J. W. Randolth & Eng-
lish. Richmond, 1879.

Attention was invited in the August, 1877,
number of the Magazine (I., 519) to the History
of St. Mark's Parish, Culpepper County, Va., by
the reverend author who now presents a similar
account of that of Bristol. This, however, anti-
dated the former in time of publication, having
been originally printed in 1846, when the author
was the Rector of Bristol, and was the first his-
torical tract based on the old church registers of
Virginia. The first edition has been long out
of print, and is practically inaccessible except
in a few public libraries. It is full of local in-
formation, and its genealogies are priceless to
those concerned in this branch of investigation.

234

LITERARY NOTICES

THE CRUISE OF THE FLORENCE;
or, Extracts from the Journal of the
Preliminary Arctic Expeditions of 1S77-
8. i6mo, pp. 183. James S. Chapman.
Washington, 1879.

In four parts or chapters: New London to Cum-
berland Gulf; Winter in Cumberland Gulf; Anna-
natook to Disco, and Homeward Bound. The
cruise of the Florence from August 2, 1877,
when she sailed from New London to the 26th
September, 1879, when she put into St. John's,
Newfoundland, for repairs on her homeward
voyage. The purpose of the expedition. Polar,
Colonization, as explained by Captain Howgate,
was thoroughly recited in the Magazine for
August, 1869, (III.. 524). The incidents of the
cruise are narrated by Captain Tyson, who com-
manded the expedition. The failure of Con-
gress to grant the assistance asked of it, was
fatal to the success of the expedition ; with it,
Captain Howgate boldly asserts that the Polar
mystery would have been solved.

THE ADIRONDACKS. ILLUSTRATED

by S. R. Stoddard. 8vo, pp. 200. Van
Benthuysen & Sons. Albany, 1879.
The narrative portion of this guide-book to
the famed region of the Adirondack^, describes a
journey through the northern wilderness in 1873,
to which additions have been continual y made
in new editions, as incidents of interest have
transpired. The foot traveler will find all desir-
able information concerning stopping places,
distances, &c.

WORDS, AND HOW TO PUT THEM
Together. By Harlan H. Ballard. i2mo,
pp. 82. D. Appleton & Co. New York,
1879.

The aim of the author in this little volume is,
to use his own words, to ' ' crystallize oral teach-
ing," and accustom the child to use his indepen-
dent thoughts, thus lightening the instructor's
labors and training the mind to do its own
work." We commend it heartily as a beginner's
book.

SELECTIONS FROM AMERICAN AU-
THORS. A Reading Bo k for School and
Home. Franklin, Adams, Cooper, Longfellow.
Edited by Samuel Eliot. i6mo, pp. 412.
Taintor Brothers, Merrill & Co. New
York, 1879.

This volume is intended to supply the want
reported by many prominent school superinten-
dents, of a supplementary course of reading in

history, poetry, biography and fiction. The pur-
pose is not to give fragments of writings, but
selections, complete in themselves, which will
awaken the reader's interest, both in the subjects
treated and their respective authors. It differs
from ordinary readers in being made up of con-
tinuous passages. The selections in the present
volume are happy in themselves and their variety.
An abridgement of Franklin's autobiography, a
mcydel of style ; familiar letters of John and
Abigail Adams, an exquisite block of epistolary
correspondence ; an abridgement of Cooper's
Spy, a blending of fiction with historic incidents ;
and for poetry Longfellow's charming Tales of a
Wayside Inn,

EASY LESSONS IN POPULAR SCIENCE,
and Hand-Book to Pictorial Chart. Com-
bining the Conversational, Catechetical, Black-
board and Object Plans, with maps, illustrations
and lessons in drawing, spelling and composi-
tion. By James Monteith. i6mo, pp. 252.
A. S. Barnes & Co. New York, Chicago
and New Orleans, 1879.

The purpose of this volume is to draw out
and strengthen the reasoning faculties, and to
encourage habits of observing, thinking, analys-
ing and comparing, and thus to combine self-
education with instruction pioper. Its method
is unusually practical ; its illustrations adapted
for extension on the blackboard, with measure-
ments given, are admirable, and the text in
elucidation simple and intelligible. As a whole
it is well adapted to youth, and a perfect
example of object teaching by the eye. The
worry of learning is avoided, while the diffi-
culties quite enough to arouse without wearying
the student. Learning can never be made easy,
but here it is made attractive.

THE BARQUE FUTURE, OR LIFE IN
the Far North. By Jonas Lie. Trans-
lated by Mrs. Ole Bull. i2mo, pp. 253. S.
C. Griggs & Co. Chicago, 1879.
This is a Norseland tale by a master of
Norwegian fiction. The novels of Walter Scott,
who had a passion for Scandinavian literature,
first awakened the attention of English readers
to the mine of legendary lore, which still exists
among the descendants of the ancient Skiolds
of the northern country. Later, Afraja, one of
the most fascinating life pictures in literature,
told us of modern life on the Fiords of
Norway and Sweden, and now Jonas Lie intro-
duces us to the Finns and Lapps in a series of
stories of strange fascination. The first in or-
der was the Pilot and his wife. That now be-

LITERARY NOTICES

235

fore us succeeds, and promise is made of a
third, Dom Fremsynte (the Man of Second
Sight).

The Barque Future, a Copenhagen vessel,
bound for Kollef jord, was disabled in one of the
terrific November storms of 1807 on the coast
of Finmark. Deserted by her crew, who were
lost in attempting to escape, she was found
drifting at sea scuttled. The incidents con-
nected with this cruise, and the story of the
child, the captain's daughter, who was saved by
a Sea Finn and adopted by his family, are the
threads on which are strung in a vigorous, sketchy
style, pictures of Norse peasant life.

The translation is crisp and idiomatic, and the
poetry from the hand of Professor R. B. An-
derson of the University of Wisconsin.

ABORIGINAL SOAPSTONE QUARRIES
in the District of Columbia. By Elmer
R. Reynolds. From the Twelfth Annual
Report of the Peabody Museum of Archae . logy
and Ethnology. 8vo, pp. 12. 1879.
This is a brief account of two well developed
soap-tore quarries within four miles of Wash-
ington City, which, recently opened, shuwed
evident signs of having been worked at some
former time by a people who dwelt in its neigh-
b( rho d. Ths quarry has been found to be
superior in archaeological interest to any simi'ar
deposit so far as known in the country, present-
ing seven well defined shafts or excavations.
Nothing has as yet been discovered, however,
which offers any indication of their probable
age.

HILDA. A POEM. BY HANNAH A.

Foster. Illustrated. i2mo, pp. 101. J. B.

Lippincott & Co. Philadelphia, 1879.

The atmosphere of this poem, for such it may
be fairly called, is charming. It has just enough
of war remini-cence to bring many of its pas-
sages home to hearts who have experienced the
feeling the accomplished authoress describes.
The versification, in its varied and appropiiate
me er. show a well trained hand. i he illustra-
tions are pretty, and the make up of the volume
exquisite.

WORDS, AND HOW TO PUT THEM

Together. By Harlan H. Ballard. 32mo,

pp. 83. D. Appleton & Co. New York.

This book is not intended to rival any now in

use, but to precede them all. In the words of

the author, who is the principal of Lenox High

School of Lenox, Massachusetts, its aim is to

crystal'ize •-' oral teaching," and every page of it

calls for independent thought. The author does
not claim for it what we take to be its greatest
merit, that it is a beginning of logical instruction
at the very root in the virgin so 1 of the infantile
mind. We commend it to all mothers.

WITH GENERAL GRANT IN THE
East. By John M. Keating. With illus-
trations. i6mo, pp. 229. J. B. Lippincott
& Co. Philadelphia, 1S79.
Mr. Keating, who accompanied the party as
a physician to one of its members, originally
communicated these pages in the foim of letters
to the Philadelphia Evening Telegraph. He
has not pretended to any elaborate account, but
simply gives the daily impressions which he
jotted down in the East. A map of the route
from Paris to Yokohama is prefixed to the vol-
ume. As a book of travel, without regard to
the exceptional advantages under which it was
taken, it amply repays perusal.

THE FAITH OF OUR FOREFATHERS:
An Examination of Archbishop Gibbon's
"Faith of our Fathers." By the Rev. Ed-
ward J. Stearns. 4to, pp. 3S0. Thomas
Whittaker. New York, 1879.
This is a severe examination of the doctrine
and history of the Roman Catholic Church as
laid down in the book of the Archbishop, the
name of which appears on the title page. The
discussion is as old as the hills, and will remain
until a broader church swallows up all the con-
flicting schisms, and mankind returns once more
to the simple teachings of the four gospels as
the best guide for life ever laid down to man,
while the doctrinal points which divide the
schoolmen are left to their disputations as not
vital to the purposes or spread of Christianity.

NOTES ON RAILROAD ACCIDENTS.
By Charles Francis Adams. i2mo, pp.
2S0. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New York,.
,1879.

A former work on the general subject of
" Railroads, their Origin and their Problems,'"
by the same author, was noticed in the December,
(1878), number of the Magazine (II., 767). The
present volume is merely a collection of notes on
accidents which came under the author's obser-
vation while connected with the railroad service
of Massachusetts as Commissioner. They furnish
a valuable mass of material which our railroad
officers will do well to study in the management
of the network of roads daily becoming more
intricate and involved in the United States.

236

LITERARY NOTICES

THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE— ITS GRAM-
MATICAL AND LOGICAL principles. For the
use of Grammar and High Schools and Acad-
emies. By Harris R. Greene. i6mo,
pp. 347. Houghton, Osgood & Co. Boston,

1879.

The object of this treatise is to illustrate the
grammatical and logical principles of the Eng-
lish language. The method of discussion adopted
by the author is novel. In the First Part he
confines himself to Forms of Expression, which,
being generic, he classifies under the heads of
Word forms, Phrase forms and Clause forms,
each embodying thought. These moulds of
thought he finds to be essentially the same in all
languages. Starting with this idea he considers
the syntax of language of easy mastery. In the
Second Part he discusses the elements of thought
and here again finds that the logical methods of
the human mind are every where the same. Their
mastery, therefore, in one tongue leads to their
easy mastery in all. All this seems rational
enough. How far the system may be put into
practice in teaching can only be determined by
practical experience.

FOOTPRINTS. BY F. E. COOK. Pub-
lished by the Society for promoting Christian
Knowledge, Piety and Charity. i2mo, pp.
150. A.Williams & Co. Boston, 1879.
In this little volume are presented, in a col-
loquial style, accounts of John and Charles
Wesley ; George Fox ; Mohammed ; John Huss ;
and John Falk. The introduction of the
founder of the Arab faith into this cluster of
Christian teachers would seem strange, but his
faithfulness to the voice of God, as he under-
stood it, points a lesson to even Christian mis-
sionaries of a grander creed.

HISTORY OF THE LAND TITLES IN
Hudson County, N. J., 1609-1871. By
Charles H. Winfield. 8vo, pp. 443, with
five maps. Wynkoop & Hallenbeck. New
York, 1872.
HISTORY OF THE COUNTY OF HUD-
SON, N. J., from its Earliest Settlement
to the Present Time. By Charles H.
Winfield. 8vo, pp. 568. Kennard & Hay
Stationery M'f'g & Printing Co. New
York, 1874.

These two volumes are an excellent contribu-
tion to a branch of history which has as yet re-
ceived but little attention — the County history
of the United States. Those familiar with the

collossal works which have appeared in England
know the extreme value of such studies. They
can only be written on the spot, and to be valu-
able, need an enormous amount of patient re-
search. Hudson County was a part of New
Netherland, and its history is, therefore, contem-
poraneous with that of New Amsterdam. Mr.
Winfield, whose address is Jersey City, has all
the characteristic traits of a true antiquarian de-
lighting in anecdotes and detail, and his book is
a model work. It is supplemented by a number
of Hudson County genealogies, and is profusely
illustrated in a handsome manner.

POCKET-BOOK OF CINCIN-
Edited and Published by Moses
T2mo, pp. 88. Cambridge, Mass.

KING'S

NATI.

King.

1879.

A well arranged little volume, giving the
principal points of attraction in this growing
city in an alphabetical order. The author is
well known by his Hand Book of Boston which
was noticed in the April, (1879) number of the
Magazine (III., 269).

TICONDEROGA: PAST AND PRESENT
" Mixed." A companion to Lake George
illustrated ; being a history of Ticonderoga.
Illustrated with etchings, and containing a
Map of the Ruins of to-day. By S. R. Stod-
dard. i2mo, pp. 68. Weed, Parsons &
Co. Albany, 1873.

LAKE GEORGE, (Illustrated). A Book
of To-day. By S. R. Stoddard. 8vo, pp.
153. Yan Benthuysen & Sons. Albany,

1879.

These two little volumes, with their maps and
illustrations, are a welcome guide to those who
visit this historic ground ; the romance land of
our northern borders.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. Edited
by John Morley. Burke, by John Mor-
ley. i6mo, pp. 214. Harper & Bros.
New York, 1879.

No one of this admirable series of biographical
sketches of English writers is of more value to
the American readers than this essay upon the
life and character of Burke. It is quite a differ
ent volume from the purely critical study on the
same subject published by Mr. Morley some
years since. The greatest speech Burke ever
made Mr. Morley considers to have been that
on Conciliation with America, the wisest in its

LITERARY NOTICES

237

temper, the most closely logical in its reasoning,
the amplest in appropriate topics, the most gen-
erous and conciliatory in the substance of its
appeals. Yet as an evidence of the failure of
the orator to influence his hearers, it is remarked
by Erskine, who heard it, that it drove every-
body away, even those who, when they came
to read it, read it over and over again, and could
hardly think of anything else, and in this and
other similar instances Mr. Morley points to the
fact that the very qualities, which are excellences
in the literature of speeches which have become
English classics, were drawbacks in the spoken
discourses. Mr. Morley notices one curious
fact, that when it was proposed to make Burke
a peer, the title to be assumed was that of Lord
Beaconsfield. It is needless to commend John
Morley to American readers.

GEMS OF THOUGHT ; BEING A COL-
lection of more than a Thousand Choice
Selections, or Aphorisms, from nearly four
hundred and fifty different authors, and on
one hundred and forty different subjects.
Compiled by Charles Northend. i2mo,
pp. 233. D. Appleton & Co. New York,
1879.

These extracts are arranged under alphabet-
ical heads, such as Affection, Brevity, Eternity,
and are specially intended for use in the family
circle. There is an excellent author's index.

EARLY CHRONICLES OF EUROPE.
France. By Gustave Masson. i6mo, pp.
370. Society for Promoting Christian Knowl-
edge. Pott, Young & Co. New York, 1879.
The purpose of this little book is to give in a
moderately small compass an account of the
sources available for the study of mediaeval
French history. It is a digest and an indis-
pensable companion to those who would make
any thorough research into this remote but
thrilling period of Christian civilization. Char-
acteristic extracts are presented from the chief
chroniclers, Villehardouin, Joinville and Corn-
mines. Most noticeable are the thorough indices,
chronological, biographical and geographical,
which supply references elsewhere unattainable
except at great individual pains.

ENGLAND. By James Gairdner.

i6mo, pp, 328. do., do.

In this volume the mediaeval history of Eng-
land is treated in a manner somewhat different
from that adopted by Mr. Masson in his work
on French Chronicles. Mr. Gairdner has pre-
ferred to popularize the sources of mediaeval
history by presenting specimens of the chronicles

from Bede to Holingshed. The extensive
series published by Bohn is familiar to scholars,
and well repays a thorough reading, but no
doubt many, who would hesitate to undertake so
great a task, will find the impulse to it in the at-
tractive extracts given in this compact volume.
The story of London is told in a chapter of its
own, entitled Records of the City, in which the
reader will also find the original sources of
Shakespeare's historical dramas. We know of
no publication more desirable than these text-
books for colleges or as aids to individual study.

THE PRE-HISTORIC WORLD. By Elie
Berthet. Translated from the French by
Mary T. Safford. i2mo, pp. 310. Porter
& Coates. Philadelphia, 1S79.
This is an effort, in a romance form, to present
the results of the discoveries in archaeology by
the famous scientific investigators of this and
the last century. These are summed up in
three tales, the First of which, The Parisians of
the Stone Age, is a study of the inhabitants of
the Parisian soil who were the contemporaries of
the mammoth and the bear ; the Second, en-
titled The Locustrian City, the action of which
is in a period several thousand years later, deals
with the Dolmen nation, which dwelled in the
Lake Villages at a time known as the intermedi-
ate Age of Polished Stone and the Bronze Age ;
the Third tale, The Foundation of Paris, is cast
in the Age of Metals, some centuries before
Caesar's invasion of Gaul.

The narrative is striking and the actions of
the characters in the story are well-motived
from what is known through the countless but
infinitesimal remains of the dark past, and this
novel treatment with its graphic illustrations will
convey to the mind of the old and young an
admirable idea of pre -historic man as he appears
in the recomposition of science. Let the reader
take this volume with him to the museum in
Central Park, and verify the correctness of M.
Berthet's deductions by his own observations of
the relics he will find there.

THE MOUND-BUILDERS. BEING AN
account of a remarkable people that once in-
habited the Valleys of the Ohio and Missis-
sippi, together with an Investigation into the
Archaeology of Butler County, Ohio. By J. P.
MacLean. Illustrated with over one hun-
dred figures. i6mo, pp. 233. Robert Clarke
& Co. Cincinnati, 1879.

In this volume, which contains about all the
information that the general reader cares to ob-
tain concerning the existing remains and prob-
able extent and habits of the remarkable people.

2 3 3

LITERARY NOTICES

whose footprints are as deep as those of the race
which built the pyramids, the author has sought
rather to give all the views of contending archae-
ologists than to adopt any special line of theory.
Among the discoveries here recorded, are the
''ancient fire beds," and "the method of plan-
ning as pursued by the pre-historic engineers."
The archaeology of Butler county, one of the
most fertile fields of discovery, is specially
treated, and is illustrated by a map, carefully
divided into numbered sections for convenience
of reference.

A MANUAL OF THE ANTIQUITY OF

Man. By J. P. MacLeax. i6mo, pp. 159.

Williamson & Cantwell Publishing Co.

Cincinnati, 187S.

This little manual is intended for those who
find the works of Lyell and Lubbock too elab-
orate and expensive. An introduction gives a
rapid summary of discoveries from 1734, when
Mahndel explained in the Academy of Paris
that the stone axes and weapons found in the
soil and drift of Europe were human imple-
ment?, to the discovery in 1873 by Mr. Riviere
of the fossil man of Mentone in a cave near
Nice, and later of several other skeletons
in the same rich soil. Chapters follow on the
Glacial Epoch, the Reindeer Epoch, the Neo-
lithic Period and the Iron Epoch. A chapter
treats of the unity of the human race, a subject
which has divided scientific men into hostile
camps in a struggle which Mr. MacLean holds,
by weight of evidence thus far, to lean to the
side of unity — and finally of the relation of Sci-
ence to the Bible, in which, the author holds
that the world of nature and spirit of revelation
are in harmony.

A HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By A. P-

Stone. Based on and retaining portions of

Worcester's Elements of History. i2mo.

Thompson, Brown & Co. Boston, 1879.

This brief volume is designed as a text-book

for a moderate course in English history. It is

rather a manual for use of teacher and pupil

than a history itself. One of its chief features

is that of side notes, which give a current key

to the paragraphs in place of the usual questions

which, are ordinarily found in works of this

character.

THE STORY OF CREATION. By S. M.

Campbell, D.D. 8vo, pp. 335. A. D. F.

Randolph & Co. New York, 1877.

The reverend author of this suggestive and
instructive volume has endeavored to reconcile
the Mosaic cosmogony with the revelations of

modern science. He holds that the story of
creation is the same whether read from the
"rock-record or the inspired word." Having
lived to see the nebulous hypothesis propounded,
disputed and finally accepted, he now witnesses
the development hypothesis passing through the
same ordeal, and approaching, though it has by
no means yet reached, general acceptance. The
volume is written in a liberal spirit. With re-
gard to the probable age of man, however, he
takes sides with the doubters, and considers
that there is little evidence that man existed be-
fore the chronological date of his creation, given
in our reference bibles, that of 4,004 B. C. As
a whole the author sums up his inquiry with
the conclusion, to his mind irresistible, " that
Moses wrote his story by inspiration of God."

CLASSICAL WRITERS. Edited by John

Richard Green. Milton, by Stopford A.

Brooke. i2mo, pp. 168. D. Appleton &

Co. New York, 1879.

This is one of the English series of semi
biographical, semi -critical essays which the
celebrated English historian is editing in this
convenient form. It would be difficult to find
nicer bits of mental analysis, or of subjective
criticism of Milton and his methods, than these
simple pages supply.

SELECTIONS FROM THE GREEK LYRIC
Poets. With an historical introduction and
explanatory notes. By Henry M. Tyler.
i2mo, pp. 184. Ginn & Heath. Boston,

1879.

These selections are intended to familiarize
the students in American colleges with the
works of the minor Greek poets, from whose
songs the common life of the common people
can be best understood. An historical intro-
duction traces the growth of the Greek poetic
art, and each selection is prefixed by a sketch
of its author. The Greek text is given without
translation in all cases.

TALES OF ANCIENT GREECE. By the
Rev. G. W. Cox. Fourth edition. i6mo,
pp. 372. Jansen, McClurg & Co. Chi-
cago, 1879.

As enchanting a volume as has appeared in
many a day. The style in which the narrative
of these poetic myths is written is exquisite in
its simplicity and Saxon purity. As a study
of language alone, of the flow of words in
harmonious rythm, full of grace and verse, they
should be placed in the hands of all young
persons. Sprung from sources the origin of

LITERARY NOTICES

239

which is lost in the nebulae of prehistoric time,
these tales run through all literature, and per-
meate the thought of races between whom no
relation is found. An introduction traces each
story to its earliest form, resolving it into its
original elements. The introduction shows how
little historical value may be attached to these
myths, yet how truly they are an exponent of
the morality and of the refinement of thought
of the races to whom they were the familiar
household tales. We are at loss for words to
express our delight with this volume.

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO. An historical
Drama in four acts. Concluded by an Epi-
logue, entitled the Battle of San Jacinto. By
Professor Francis Nona. i6mo. G. P.
Putnam's Sons. New York, 1879.
Readers of the Magazine will remember the
graphic story of this bloody incident in Texian
history, told by Captain R. M. Potter of the U.
S. Army, in the January, 1S78, number (II., i),
and recently an account of the battle of San
Jacinto (IV., 321), by the same brilliant pen.
In these pages Professor Nona has attempted to
dramatise the thrilling story. Our readers must
judge for themselves of the success of the effort.

MAP OF THE CATSKILL MOUNTAINS.

By A. Guyot. 1879. For sale by B. Wes-

TERMANN & Co. New York.

The tourist in the regions of the Catskills
will do well to carry with him this excellent
topographical guide, which gives the elevations
above tide from actual measurement and cor-
rect tracings of the streams.

STUDIES OF PARIS. By Edmondo de
Amicis. Translated from the Italian by
W. W. C. i6mo, pp. 276. G. P. Putnam's
Sons. New. York, 1879.
These sunny pages were written when Paris
was at the height of its renewed glory during
the Exposition year of 1878. " One vast gilded
net, into which one is drawn again and again,
whether willing or not." Only those who are
familiar with this most wonderful city of mod-
ern times can appreciate the finely drawn analy-
sis of the impressions its life produces on the
sense. Two chapters in the book will attract
attention in their judgment upon two of the celeb-
rities of the day by a competent critic ; and
these two are the very opposites, antipodes of
each other. The one walks always erect, with
his head in the clouds, the other crawls with his
nose in the mud — one paints misery, the other
delights in obscenity. Both consider themselves

reformers. One is Victor Hugo, the other it is
needless to say is Emile Zola. The Italian
kneels at the shrine of Hugo, and, it is sad to
say, was not disgusted with Zola. It is true
that Nana, the filthiest work in modern litera-
ture, had not then been published. As a whole
the studies are more suggestive than instructive,
more gossipy than philosophical ; what formerly
went under the name of Impressions de voyage.

THE USE OF TERRA COTTA IN ARCHI-
TECTURE. By James J. Talbot. i6mo, pp.
66. American Bank Note Co. New York,
1879.

The object of this little tract, which is taken
from the author's work on " Ceramic Art and
Art Education," is to answer the numerous in-
quiries now made as to the use and durability of
this pretty form of ornamentation in practical
architecture.

MR. PHILLIPS' GONENESS. By James
M. Bailey, the Danbury-News Man. i6mo,
pp.179. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1879.
A thoroughly American book of fiction, full
of human sympathy and tenderness of feeling,
and teaching a very excellent and familiar lesson,
with free and easy touch and thoroughly native
humor, but without much narrative power or
dramatic force ; well worth taking note of, how-
ever, as a thoroughly home-made book, both in
subject and style. We accept the author's con-
ciliatory word.

THE FLAGS OF ALL MARITIME NA-
TIONS. Prepared from the Most Authentic
Sources, in which are accurately represented
the Royal Standards, etc., the International
Code of Signals and the United States and
Canada Yacht Club Signals, etc., printed in
colors. 8vo, 16 plates. William T. Amies.
Philadelphia.

By far the best, most convenient and well
colored book of Flags and Signals which has
come under our observation. The Coats of
Arms of Various Nations which are appended
give it a general value.

TANAGRA FIGURINES. Svo, pp. 44. The
Riverside Press. Houghton, Osgood & Co.
Boston, 1879.

These figurines or little figures, some exqui-
site specimens of which are now to be seen in
the Pan Archaicon collection in New York, take
their name from Tanagra, the Boetian city, the

240

LITERARY NOTICES

neighborhood of which has been the scene of
recent exploration. The diminutive figures or
statuettes found are made of hard baked clay
and colored. The well prepared sketch before
us thus describes a good specimen "A perfect
figurine has the flesh lightly tinted, the cheeks,
rouged, the lips also reddened, the pupil of the
eye tinged with pale blue or gray, the eye elon-
gated as by the use of henna, and the eye-brows
defined by a slender line. The draperies are of
all colors with dark red or brown borders, some-
times gilded. The hats, fans, bracelets, ear-
drops, and other numerous accessories are
generally gilded, or done in yellow ochre, per-
haps as a foundation for gilding. In all cases
the hair is of a golden brown or red auburn."
The tasteful volume is illustrated with numerous
photographic pictures of the best of these curious
and beautiful works of art. There is a fine col-
lection in the Boston Art Museum, the gift of
T, G. Appleton.

SUPPRESSED SENSATIONS, OR LEAVES
from the Note Book of a Chicago Re-
porter. Illustrated. i6mo, pp. 254. Rand,
McNally & Co. Chicago, 1879.
This is a series of stories, based on fact, it is
said, but without much to interest the ordinary
reader. They are worth noticing simply as pic-
tures of the changing phases of American life,
which are kaleidoscopic in their variety, and as
evanescent as those on the disc of the camera.

THE SILK GOODS OF AMERICA. A

brief account of the recent improvements

and advances of Silk manufacture in the

United States. By Wm. C. Wyckoff. 8vo,

pp. 156. Published under the auspices of the

Silk Association of America. D. VAN Nos-

trand. New York, 1879.

This volume is written to show the advance

in the manufacture of silk goods in America,

and claims that those made here are not only

better, but cheaper than the imported. The

sixth annual report of the Silk Association of

America is appended to the volume.

PIZARRO — HIS ADVENTURES AND

Conquests. By George M. Towle. i6mo,
pp. 327. Lee & Shepard. Boston, 1879.
The first volume of the Young Folks' Heroes
of History related the voyage of Vasco de Gama
around the Cape of Good Hope to unexplored
Hindostan. In this, the second, the reader is
made acquainted with the chief incidents of the
conquest of Peru by Pizarro, which laid the
foundation of a Spanish empire in South
America. Like its predecessor, it is written in

an easy, personal style, which is well suited to
the instruction of youth. There are a few
illustrations.

RAPID TRANSIT ABROAD. ' 3 2mo, pp.

196. James Miller. New York, 1879.

The reader must not be misled by this novel
title. He will find here no account of elevated
railroads or watered stocks, but a plain, fresh
account by a young woman of a summer's run
with a party of friends over Europe. The nar-
rative is hasty as the trip, and conveys little
more than a bird's eye view of the chief points
of interest in continental travel. The party had
not time to dwell over the thousand memories
which spring up at every turn, but after all,
Murray, and Joane and Baedeker leave little to
be said, and perhaps the young lady was wise to
give little more than her personal impressions
of the journey itself.

LEGEND OF THE MOUND. BY FRED-

erica K. Witman, 4to, pp. 39. Lane S.

Hart. Harrisburg, 1S78.

On delicate and tasteful pages of the best of

paper, adorned with dainty illustrations in fine

steel engraving, the authoress presents a pretty

Indian tale in verse, sometimes rythmical, at

others blank.

' ; On the bosom of the Susquehanna,
Lies an island of all her children the fairest."
Here is the scene of the legend of the mound.
Here, of a summer's day, while the women
and girls are busy with their quiet occupations,
two restless boys, "busy spirits of the throng,"
quarreled over a grasshopper they had jointly
pursued, and one had caught in the grass. A
girl gives the alarm, and the mothers interfere.
A general turmoil ensues, in the heigth of
which the men return from the chase, disap-
pointed and ill-tempered. The village divides
into two camps, tomahawks and scalping knives
flash in the evening glare. As the sun drops
below the horizon, the survivors pause ; the
strife ends. At dawn they bury the dead in a
circular bed toward the southwestern part of
the island, and the final ceremonies close the
legend of the mound. The versification is
smooth, and there is a tender poetic feeling in
the simple story.

A DREAM OF ARCADIA, AND OTHER
Verses. By Lawrence B. Thomas. 4to,
pp. 87. Turnbull Brothers. Bait., 1878.
Attention has been invited in these pages to
the excellent genealogic work done by this
gentleman (II., 255,) in his sketches of Mary-
land families. In this dainty little volume he
presents the fruits of his leisure hours in a col-
lection of pretty verses which show taste and
culture. It is neatly illustrated.

©RATI© ©ATE©

■ ■ ■ tie j nrj o :i Buied-i ■"'•3.a£a-fli6Cngiiul?amtiagly Stuart.

MAGAZINE OF AM: R[( !*Y

Vol. i OC N,

T : . •

lution of S< ■

he Rev. Di\

Lr period ar

■ •

■■

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. V OCTOBER 1880 No. 4

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

1780
Gates at Camden

THE first connected account of the Southern campaign of 1780
was that included by Dr. Ramsay in his History of the Revo-
lution of South Carolina, published in 1785 ;' the next that of
the Rev. Dr. Gordon, which appeared in 1788. 2 A comparison of these
two histories shows that many of the passages descriptive of this par-
ticular period are verbally identical. At first sight it would seem that
Gordon adopted the account presented in the earlier volume. But as
Gordon in his foot notes repeatedly acknowledges his indebtedness to
Dr. Ramsay for information concerning the operations in the Carolinas,
yet omits any such acknowledgment in his description of the South-
ern campaign, there is a fair presumption that the omission was not
without reason. That reason seems certainly to be that the account
given by Ramsay was furnished to him by Gordon. Dr. Ramsay in
1809, subsequently to the publication of Gordon's history, published a
History of South Carolina, 3 in which the campaign from Hillsborough
to Camden is related in substantially the words of his earlier work.
Gordon, in a note to his third volume (p. 59), says that " General Gates'
letters were examined by him at [Traveler's Rest] his Seat in Virginia
the latter end of 1781." The friendly relations existing between Gates
and the worthy historian are well known, and it is not unfair to sup-
pose that he was inclined to give the most favorable coloring possible
to the conduct of the hero, whose well-won laurels had been blighted
in a disaster, the completeness of which was only rivalled by that of the
earlier triumph. Gordon says elsewhere (in a note to his second volume,
p. 450) that in compiling his narrative " recourse had been had to a
detail of facts written by the deputy adjutant general, Col. Otho H.
Williams," 4 who was himself a prominent actor in the scenes he relates.

242 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

Gordon's is, therefore, the earliest most authentic account, and
should, unless disproved by contemporaneous evidence, take prece-
dence and authority over all subsequent to it, from the fact that
the author had opportunities for knowledge of this particular branch
of the history of the war which have been since closed to all
others. A few words will suffice to establish the truth of this state-
ment. General Gates died at his estate, Rose Hill, his residence in
New York City, in April, 1806. By his will, proved 15th of the same
month, he devised to his wife his entire property, real and personal,
without reservation. Mary, his widow, survived him until 18 10. By
her will,proved December 10th of that year, she made numerous bequests;
among others, one in the following words: " To Joel Barlow, Esqr., I
bequeath ail public papers in my possession, in the full confidence that
he will use them for the purposes of impartial History, and to enable
him to give a fair and correct account of the American revolution, and
of the persons concerned in carrying it into effect." These papers, of
a voluminous nature and great variety, were for a long period in the
hands of Dr. Jared Sparks, who made free use of them in his histories ;
later they passed into the keeping of the New York Historical Society
where they now are. An important part of the Gates papers, how-
ever, was not, and is not, comprised in this collection. 5 This includes
among other valuable documents such as the series of original com-
missions borne by General Gates, his Letter Book containing copies
of all the official letters written by him while in command of the
Southern army, and his Book of General Orders issued during the
entire campaign. These valuable papers were accidentally found
by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet of New York City in the garret of
the house of his grandfather of the same name about two years since.
Thomas Addis Emmet, the famous counsellor, was the legal adviser of
General Gates. For what reason these documents were separated from
the others is not now known. There may have been no reason. But
this is of small consequence, since Dr. Emmet freely consents to their
publication. They made part, undoubtedly, of the documents exam-
ined by Gordon at Traveler's Rest in 1781, but it is not probable that
they have ever since fallen under the eye of any other historian. So
much of these precious documents as relates to the period from the 21st
June, 1780, when Gates, from his home in Berkeley county, Virginia,
addressed his letter of acceptance of command to the President of
Congress, to the 31st August, when he was again at Hillsborough, a
defeated, humiliated man, endeavoring to build up the remains of his

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 243

broken army, is now for the first time made public. The sources
from which Gordon drew his information having been thus indicated,
his narrative, in view of the rarity of the history which contains it, is
now given in full.

" Upon gen. Lincoln's being made a prisoner at Charles Town the command of
the forces of the southern district devolved on Baron de Kalb. His experience and
abilities were allowed to be great ; but as he was a foreigner, unacquainted with the
country, and unaccustomed to the temper of undisciplined troops, who were to con-
stitute the major part of the army, these and other reasons wrought in favor of gen.
Gates, who was considered in common as the best qualified for the command ; and
it was unanimously resolved in congress on the 13th of June * that major gen.
Gates do immediately repair to and take command of the southern department ; '
the next day he was empowered to take such measures for the defense of the
southern states as he might think most proper. He received the resolves of
congress at Traveler's Rest in Virginia, a few miles from Shepherd's-town, on the
20th, and set out on Monday the 26th. He soon felt for himself, finding that he
succeeded to the command of an army without strength, of a military chest with-
out money, of a department apparently deficient in public spirit, and ina cl mate
that increases despondency, instead of animating the soldier's arm. He had
before him the most unpromising prospects his eyes ever beheld. He arrived at
the camp on the 25th of July; and at a review of the troops the next day, was in
every respect received by the Baron with marks of great distinction. In return he
treated his predecessor with due consideration, confirmed his standing orders, and
requested that he would keep the command of his division as formerly in the
grand army. The Baron's division consisted of all the Maryland and Delaware
troops : these with a small legionary corps under col. Armand, consisting of about
60 horse and as many foot soldiers, who arrived a few days before, and three
companies of artillery, constituted the whole of the army. The Baron with great
satisfaction complied with Gates's request. A considerable body of North Caro-
lina militia had taken the field under gen. Caswell. His appointment and
instructions to join and co-operate with the regular forces had been announced to
the Baron, who daily expected his arrival, and with him a considerable supply of
provisions. Caswell, however, upon the plea of preventing some disaffected
inhabitants from taking arms in favor of the enemy, excused his not complying
with the instructions; and as to the supply, though promised, no part of it ever
arrived. On the morning of July the 27th, gen. Gates marched at the head of
the army to effect a junction of the regular and irregular forces, to assume an
appearance of hostile views upon the enemy's advanced posts, under expectation
of sharing with the militia the supply they received from the state. The troops
passed Deep river at the Buffalo-ford, and encamped in the afternoon at Spinks'
farm, on the road to Camden. (Vol. III., 391.)

" On the 28th of July (the day after the American army encamped at Spinks'
farm on the road to Camden) col. Otho H. Williams repeated to gen. Gates the
advice he had given in substance to baron de Kalb more than a fortnight before ;
which was to deviate from the direct road to Camden — to order gen. Caswell to
join him at the mouth of Rocky river on Peedee, and from thence to send his
heavy baggage, women and invalids to Salisbury (a day's march higher up the
country) and there establish an hospital and magazines — to march all his effective
troops from the mouth of Rocky river to Charlotte, where a magazine, hospital,

244 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

and if necessary an armory might be securely established — and from Charlotte to
march by way of Waxhaws towards Camden. By this route the army might have
proceeded without impediment through a well cultivated country, whose inhabitants
were attached to the common cause. Magazines and hospitals might have been
established in the rear, secure from surprise, and directly upon the old trading
road from Philadelphia to Charles Town, by which the supplies from the north
might have followed the army without danger. Not only so, but the army would
have been followed by numerous bands of faithful friends able and willing
both to furnish supplies and to assist with arms, instead of being encompassed
with a host of fugitive tories, whose poverty afforded no subsistence, and whose
perfidy prevented secrecy. A council was called upon the occasion; but the
opinion did not prevail : the first motives preponderated, and the army pursued
the direct route for Camden. It was joined by lieut. col. Porterfield, an officer
of distinguished merit, with about ioo Virginia soldiers. He had by his singular
address and good conduct, found means, not only to avoid the hapless fate of the
other corps which had retreated after the surrender of Charlestown ; but to
subsist his men, and keep up the semblance of a possession of that part of South
Carolina.

"The army soon felt the scarcity of provisions; and their fatigue, fasting and
repeated disappointments as to supplies so exasperated them, that their murmurs
became very audible. The aspect of mutiny was in almost every countenance;
but as there was no object to be siezed upon or sacrificed, the conciliating argu-
ments of the officers, who shared the calamity without discrimination, induced the
soldiers to forbear and rely upon legal expedients and a good providence for
succour. The principal means of subsistence found on the march were lean cattle
accidentally picked up in the woods. Meal and flour were so very scarce, that the
whole army was obliged to make use of green corn and peaches, as the best sub-
stitutes for bread the country afforded. Dysenteries afflicted the troops in conse-
quence of such diet. It was however the least of two evils. They had no other
relief from famine, which added to the intense heat of the season, and unhealthi-
ness of the climate, threatened destruction to the army. Starvation became a cant
term upon the occasion. Perhaps the burlesque introduced by the ignorance of
some and the policy of others to show a contempt for their sufferings, contributed
not a little to the resolute stoutness that now discovered itself.

"In the afternoon of the 5th of August, the American general was informed
from gen. Caswell, that he meant to surprise or attack a part of the enemy, on
little Lynch's creek. This made Gates the more anxious for a junction, as he
apprehended some injudicious adventure might deprive him of the assistance
which the militia were capable of affording. The next morning intelligence
arrived from the same authority, which increased his anxiety to a painful degree,
it was, that the enemy just mentioned, meditated an attack upon the militia in
their encampment. Such a show of enterprise, and such marks of intimidation —
such a contrariety of intentions and apprehensions perplexed the commanding
officer, and made the junction still more desirable. Gates therefore gave orders
for the troops to clean their arms and to have every thing ready for action ; and
then proceeded with his deputy adjutant general and aids to the encampment of
the militia, whom he found to be a fine body of men, deficient only in discipline
and military arrangements. Whether Caswell found his vanity gratified in a sepa-
rate command, or wished to precipitate the army into an action with the enemy,
was not discoverable: the fact is, he postponed a junction until he saw the per-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 245

plexity and danger in which his ambition or indiscretion had involved the army.
When it was too late for measures to be changed, he complied more through
necessity than inclination.

11 At Deep creek (August 6th) the troops received a supply of good beef, and half
a pound of Indian corn meal per man. They eat their mess ; drank of the stream
contentedly ; and the next day with great cheerfulness marched to the cross-roads,
where they were joined by the militia, and the whole were encamped together. A
good understanding appeared to subsist among the officers of all ranks, and the
common soldiers vied with each other in supporting their spirits and despising
their fatigues, which they appeared to forget. The expectation of this junction had
induced the commanding officer of the post on Lynch's creek to retire the day be-
fore, under the mask of offensive operations, which caused the alarm above related.

*' Being now in a country of pine barrens, extensive sand-hills and impenetrable
swamps, unable to collect provisions and forage from the lower and more fertile
parts of the country, which were covered by the enemy's advanced posts, the
army could not remain more than a day in this situation, though a large reinforce-
ment of militia from Virginia was expected every hour. Gates therefore pressed
forward ; and finding the ememy disposed to dispute the passage of Lynchs*
creek, while he kept up an appearance of taking that route, he marched the army
by the right towards Clermont (better known by the name of Rugeley's mills)
where the enemy had a small garrison. His intentions being discovered, both
posts were abandoned with some precipitation on the nth, the officers fearing either
that their march to Camden would be intercepted, or that they should be attacked
on their retreat. Lord Rawdon, who commanded the advanced posts of the
British army, assembled all his forces at Camden, and suffered gen. Gates, with-
out any material interruption, to conduct his army to Clermont about 13 miles
from Camden, where his troops encamped on the 13th. The next day brigadier
gen. Stevens arrived with a respectable reinforcement of 700 Virginia militia.
An express also arrived the same day from col. Sumpter, who reported to Gates,
that a number of the South Carolina militia had joined him on the west side of the
Wateree ; and that an escort of clothing, ammunition and other stores for the gar-
rison at Camden, was on the way fromCharles Town, and must pass the Wateree at
a ferry about a mile from Camden, under cover of a small redoubt occupied by
the enemy, on the opposite bank of the river.

"A detachment of the Maryland line, consisting of 100 regular infantry and a
company of artillery, with two brass field pieces, and 300 North Carolina militia,
were immediately forwarded under the command of lieut. col. Woolford to join
col. Sumpter, who had orders to reduce the redoubt and intercept the convoy.
Gen. Gates was preparing at the same time to advance still nearer to Camden,
and if necessary, to take a position on some good grounds in its vicinity : but he
was not without hope that lord Rawdon would evacuate that post as he had the
others ; and if he should not, the prospect was, that the multitudes of militia
expected from the upper counties would cut off his supplies from all quarters, and
leave the garrison an easy prey to the army. After making some convenient
arrangements, having the arms cleaned, and distributing some provisions, which
had been collected, Gates convened his general officers, of which grade there
were not less than thirteen in that little army, the militia brigades of North Caro-
lina having far more than sufficient ; and after a conference with them, he directed
the deputy adjutant general, col. Williams, to issue the following orders, with the
intention as well to take advantage of the time when col. Sumpter was to execute
his enterprise, as to be prepared for action himself, in case it should be offered.

246 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

[These orders, dated Camp Clermont, 15th of August 1780, and issued as " after General Orders,"

will be found in their place in the General Orders issued by General Gates, printed

in the Original Documents in the Magazine.]

" When the deputy adjutant general received these orders, he showed Gates an
abstract of the field returns of the different corps, which he had just been
digesting into a general return. From thence it appeared that the whole Amer-
ican Army, officers included, amounted only to 3,663 (exclusive of the troops
detached to col. Sumpter), beside col. Porterfield's and major Armstrong's light
infantry, amounting to 250, and col. Armand's legion to 120, altogether 370, and
a few volunteer cavalry. There were about 900 continental infantry, rank and
file, and 70 cavalry. This force was inferior to what the general imagined : his
plan, however, was adopted, and he thought it too late to retreat. The army
marched about ten at night, and had proceeded to within half a mile of Sander's
creek, about half way to Camden, when a firing commenced in front.

" Lord Cornwallis, unknown to gen. Gates, arrived the day before at Camden.
His inferior force, consisting of about 1700 infantry and 300 cavalry, would have
justified a retreat; but considering that no probable events of an action could be
more injurious to the royal interest than that measure, he resolved upon taking the
first good opportunity of attacking the Americans ; and learning that the situation of
their encampment at Clermont was disadvantageous, he marched about the same time
the Americans did, with a full determination to attack them in their camp at day-
break. About half an hour past two in the morning the advanced parties of both
armies met in the woods, and a firing commenced. Some of the cavalry of Ar-
mand's legion being wounded by the first fire, threw the others into disorder, and
the whole recoiled so suddenly, that the first Maryland regiment, in front of the
column, was broken, and the whole line of the army thrown into a general con-
sternation. This first impression struck deep. The light infantry, however,
executed their orders, and particularly those under Porterfield behaved with such
spirit, that the enemy was no less surprised at this unexpected meeting. A few
prisoners were taken on both sides, by whose information the respective com-
manders derived a knowledge of the circumstances, of which both, till then, were
ignorant. Porterfield, in whose abilities and activity Gates had justly placed great
dependence, received a musket ball, which shattered the bones of his leg, and was
under the necessity of submitting, to be carried into the rear. A part of the light
infantry still kept their ground, and being supported by the vanguard and the
legion infantry, which discovered much bravery, the American army soon recov-
ered its order. Cornwallis also kept his ground ; and frequent skirmishes ensued
during the night, with scarce any other effect than to discover the situation of the
armies, to evince the intentions of the generals, and to serve as a prelude to what
was to occur in the morning.

" Immediately after the alarm, the American army was formed in the following
manner — the Second Maryland brigade, under gen. Gist, on the right of the line,
flanked by a morass ; the North Carolina division, under gen. Caswell, in the
centre ; — and the Virginia brigade, under gen. Stevens, on the left, flanked by the
North Carolina militia, light infantry and a morass : thus both flanks were well
covered. The artillery was posted on the most advantageous ground near the
main road, which was about the centre of the line. Col. Armand's corps was
ordered to the left, to support the left flank, and oppose the enemy's cavalry.
Baron de Kalb commanded on the right of the line ; and gen. Smallwood the-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 247

first Maryland brigade, which was posted as a corps-de-reserve two or three hun-
dred yards in the rear. Gates then called his general officers together, and
desired col. Williams to communicate the information which he had collected
from the captives, which being done, the general said, ' Gentlemen, you know
the situation, what are your opinions?' Gen. Stevens answered, * It is now too
late to retreat.' Silence ensuing, and no reply being made, the general, after a
pause, pronounced, 'Then we must fight: gentlemen, please to take your posts.'
No more was said in council : but it was afterward declared to be the private
opinion of some then present, that it was injudicious to risk a general battle, and
that a retreat was by no means impracticable. It was not to the credit of any
officer to make such declaration. Whoever is called to a council of war, and
declines giving his own opinion, if he has any, acts below the courage of a sol-
dier, and should thenceforward screen either his cowardice or treachery by keeping
the matter a profound secret.

" The British army was thus disposed — the division on the right consisted of a
small corps of light infantry, the 23d and 33d regiments, under lieut. col. Webster ; —
the division on the left was formed of the volunteers of Ireland, the infantry of the
legion, and part of lieut. col. Hamilton's North Carolina regiment, under lord
Rawdon, with 2 six and 2 three pounders, commanded by lieut. McLeod ; — the
71st regiment with a six pounder, composed the reserve, one battalion in the rear
of the right division, the other of the left ; — and the cavalry of the legion sta-
tioned in the rear, close to the 71st regiment. This disposition was made at break
of day : but before it took place the British appeared in column about 200 yards
in front of the American artillery, while gen. Gates was with his corps-de-reserve.
Col. Williams ordered the artillery to be fired upon them, which was instantly
obeyed : and then went to inform Gates of the occasion of the firing, and of the
enemy's having the appearance of spreading and forming a line by their right,
'which,' said the colonel, 'gives us a favorable opportunity of commencing the
attack of infantry with Stevens' brigade.' The General answered, 'Very proper,
let it be done.' Orders were immediately given to Stevens, who advanced with his
brigade in excellent order with great alacrity. The enemy had however, formed
their line before he got near enough for action. Both lines were advancing, and
had come within firing distance of each other, when Stevens, encouraging his men,
put them in mind of their bayonets, which they had received only the day before,
calling out to them, ' My brave fellows, you have bayonets as well as they, we'll charge
them.' Col. Williams had advanced in front of the brigade, from which he had
taken a few volunteers, intending, by a partial fire, to extort that of the enemy at
some distance, in expectation that the militia would stand the first discharge, and
be brought to closer action with their loaded muskets. But the advantage was lost.
Lord Cornwallis observing the movement of the Virginians under Stevens, gave
orders to lieut. col. Webster to begin an attack. The British infantry upon that
rushed through the thin fire of the militia with great intrepidity, and furiously
charged the brigade with a cheer. The intimidated militia threw down most of
their arms, bayonets and all, and with the utmost precipitation and trepidation fled
from the field, and were followed by the North Carolina militia light infantry. The
whole North Carolina division being panic-struck, imitated the shameful example ;
except one regiment, commanded by col. Dixon, next in the line of battle to the con-
tinental regulars, which fired several rounds : indeed gen. Gregory's brigade, to
which that regiment belonged, paused longer than the others : but at last all fled,
and the majority without their arms, or firing a single shot. It cannot appear
excessively strange that such raw militia could not stand before bayonets, when it

248 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

is considered that for some time they had subsisted on fruit scarcely ripe, without
any regular rations of flesh, flour, or spirituous liquors ; — that their strength and
spirits were depressed by such preceding low regimen ; — and that, after an unex-
pected meeting of the enemy, they had to lie for hours on their arms, attended
with the apprehension of immediate danger and the horrors of the night.

" All the militia who composed the left wing and centre being routed, the second
continental brigade, consisting of Maryland and Delaware troops, making the right
wing, and the corps-de-reserve, were left to fight or retreat ; but as they had no
orders for the latter, they maintained their position with great resolution, and gave
the British an unexpected check. The second brigade even gained ground, and
took no less than 50 prisoners. But the corps-de-reserve being considerably out-
flanked, were thrown into disorder : they were soon rallied by their officers, and
renewed the action with much spirit. Overpowered by numbers they were again
broken : but the brave example and exertions of the officers induced them to
form afresh. The gallantry of this corps covered, in a great measure, the left of
the second brigade, which was in a manner blended with the enemy's line on their
left, where the conflict was desperate. The Americans, thinking themselves
masters of the field, disputed with the British who should couquer and retain the
other as prisoners of war. At length the enemy directing their whole force
against these two devoted corps, the fire of musketry became yet more tremen-
dous, and was continued with equal perseverance and obstinacy, till Lord Corn-
wallis observing that there was no cavalry opposed to him, pushed forward his
dragoons, and charging with his bayonets at the same moment, put an end to the
contest. Never did men behave better than the continentals in the whole of
the action; but all attempts to rally^the militia were ineffectual. Lieut, col.
Tarleton's legion charged them as they broke, and pursued them as they were
fleeing. Without having it in their power to defend themselves they fell in great
numbers under the legionary sabres.

" General Gates was borne off the field by a torrent of dismayed militia. They
constituted so great a part of his army,that when he saw them break and flee with
such precipitation, he lost every hope of victory ; and hisonly care was, if possi-
ble, to rally a sufficient number, to cover the retreat of the regular troops :
he retired with gen. Caswell to Clermont, in hope of halting them at their late
encampment. But the further they fled, the more they dispersed, and the generals
giving up all as lost retired with a very few attendants to Charlotte. On their
retreat, an officer from col. Sumpter overtook them, and reported to Gates, that the
colonel had succeeded fully in his enterprise the evening before against the
enemy's post on the Wateree ; had reduced the redoubt and captured the guard;
and had intercepted the escort with the stores, which were all taken, with about
40 waggons and upwards of 100 prisoners. Gates however could take no advan-
tage of this success : the enemy was at his heels, and his victorious friends on the
opposite side of a river too distant to form a junction in time to prevent his
fate.

" Most of the Virginia militia returned to Hillsborough by the route they came
to camp ; and gen. Stevens found means to stop a considerable number at that
place : but the term for which they had taken the field being nearly expired, all
who had not deserted were soon afterward discharged. The North Carolinians
fled different ways, as their hopes led or their fears drove them ; and many
were intercepted by their disaffected countrymen, who but a few days before had
generally submitted to Gates, by whom they were generously sent to their homes,
upon a promise of remaining neuter or of following his colours. Several consider-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 249

able parties had actually taken arms with a professed design of joining the
Americans : but so soon as they heard of their defeat, they became active in the
pursuit of the fugitives, and killed and captured all that came in their way.

" Baron de Kalb, while exerting himself with great bravery to prevent the defeat
of the day, received eleven wounds. His aid-de-camp, lieut. col. du Buysson,
embraced him, announced his rank and nation to the surrounding foe, and begged
that they would spare his life. While he generously exposed himself to save his
friend, he received sundry dangerous wounds, and was taken prisoner. The baron
expired in a short time, though he received the most particular assistance from the
British. He spent his last breath in dictating a letter, expressive of the warmest
affection for the officers and men of his division — of the greatest satisfaction in
the testimony given by the British army of the bravery of his troops — of his being
charmed with the firm opposition they made to superior force, when abandoned by
the rest of the army — of the infinite pleasure he received from the gallant beha-
viour of the Delaware regiment, and the companies of artillery attached to the
brigades — and of the endearing sense he entertained of the merit of the whole
division he commanded. The Congress resolved on the 14th of October, that a
monument should be erected to his memory in Annapolis, the metropolis of
Maryland, with a very honorable inscription. Gen. Rutherford surrendered to a
party of the British legion. All the other general officers escaped ; but were sep-
arated from their respective commands, and obliged to flee with precipitation. Every
corps was broken, and dispersed through the woods. The bogs and brush, which
in a degree screened them from the fury of their foes, laid them under the neces-
sity of separating from each other. Major Anderson, of the 3d Maryland
regiment, was the only infantry officer, whose efforts to rally the men, after the
total routs, were in any degree effectual., A few individuals of several companies
joined him at some distance from the fieldand others added to that small number by
falling into his ranks on the march. The removal of the heavy baggage to Waxhaws
was delayed till the morning of the action contrary to Gates's express orders the day
preceding : so that the greatest part, together with all that followed the army, fell
into the hands of the enemy, or was plundered in the route by those who went off
early, and could take time for such baseness. A general transfer of property took
place : even that which escaped the foe fell not again into the hands of the right
owners, except some small part of the officers' baggage, which was recovered at Char-
lotte. The baggage waggons indeed of gen. Gates and baron de Kalb, being fur-
nished with stout horses and clever drivers, who understood their business and
knew the roads, were fully preserved. All the baron's baggage and papers were
saved : as were Gates's, and every paper and private letter of all the gentlemen be-
longing to his family. The pursuit was rapid for more than twenty miles ; and so
great was the dismay of the retreating troops (the cries of the murdered in the rear,
being echoed by the women and wounded men with increasing terror) that at the dis-
tance of forty miles whole teams of horses were cut out of the waggons to accel-
erate the flight. Many wounded officers and soldiers were got off by like expe-
dients : some of whom gave astonishing proofs of what pain, fatigue and want, the
human constitution can bear. The road by which the troops fled was covered
with arms, baggage, the sick, the wounded, and the dead. Gates was persuaded
by all that he saw and heard, that the regular troops were entirely cut off, and the
whole either killed or captured ; and that there was no prospect of collecting a force
at Charlotte (where he arrived late in the night) adequate to the defence of the
country : he therefore left Gen. Caswell at Charlotte to assemble the militia of
Mecklenburg county, and proceeded with all possible despatch to Hillsborough, to

250 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

devise some plan of defence in conjunction with the legislative body of North.
Carolina. He considered not, that by shortening his journey, and remaining at
Charlotte or Salisbury, appearances would be less unfavorable to his personal rep-
utation, though less beneficial to the public cause.

" Lord Cornwallis's victory was complete. The Americans lost eight field pieces,
the whole of their artillery, with all their ammunition waggons, besides 150 others,
a considerable quantity of military stores, and the greatest part of their baggage.
The numbers slain cannot be precisely ascertained, no returns of the militia ever
being made after the action. Three hundred of the North Carolina militia,
besides 63 wounded, were made prisoners. Only three of the Virginia militia were
left wounded on the field of battle : owing to their making no stand, and being
first in flight, but few of them were captivated. From the abstract of muster and
inspection, taken at Hillsborough October the 1st, it appears that exclusive of
baron de Kalb and gen. Rutherford, the numbers of killed, captured and missing,
in the action of the 16th and 18th, were 4 lieutenant colonels, 3 majors, 14 cap-
tains, 4 captain lieutenants, 16 lieutenants, 3 ensigns, 4 staff, 78 subalterns, and
604 rank and file. The impossibility of accounting with certainty for those who
fell in battle, and those who fell into the hands of the enemy, obliged the officers
to make many missing, who were probably killed or prisoners. Though Corn-
wallis's victory was complete, yet from the accounts which the British gave of the
action, it may be inferred it was dearly bought. Gates apprehended early in Sep-
tember, that he had established it as a certain fact, that more than 500 of their
old troops were killed or wounded.

On the 17th and 18th of August, brigadiers Smallwood and Gist, with several
other officers, arrived at Charlotte (full 80 miles from the place of action) where
upward of a hundred regular infantry, col. Armand's cavalry, and a major Davie's
small partisan corps of horse from the Waxhaw settlement had collected. Smallwood
had been separated from the first Maryland brigade, after the men had been
engaged a while, by the interposal of the enemy ; and finding it impracticable to
rejoin them, as well as apprehending they must be overpowered and could not
retreat, rode off for personal safety. The little provisions which the troops met with
at Charlotte, proved a most seasonable refreshment. The drooping spirits of the
officers began to revive ; and hopes were entertained, that a respectable force
might soon be again assembled from the country militia, and from the addition of
col. Sumpter's victorious detachment. All these prospects however were soon
obscured, by the intelligence on the 19th of the complete dispersion of that
corps. (Vol. III., 429.)

As Gordon's was the earliest, so Bancroft's is the latest authoritative
account of this disastrous campaign. In the tenth volume of his great
work he narrates in his rapid, vivid style, the incidents of the advance
and the retreat, and finally dismisses the fallen hero of Saratoga with
the contemptuous character of " a petty intriguer, but no soldier."
That the reader may justly weigh the accuracy of the old and the new
judgments, Mr. Bancroft's account is given in full. And here it is proper
to say that the venerable author, in his recent " thoroughly revised
edition," 7 has adhered without the alteration even of a word, to the text
of his original statement

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 251

" The news that Charleston had capitulated found Kalb still in Virginia. In
the regular European service he had proved himself an efficient officer; but his
mind was neither rapid nor creative, and was unsuited to the exigencies of a cam-
paign in America. On the twentieth of June he entered North Carolina, and
halted at Hillsborough to repose his wayworn soldiers. He found no magazines,
nor did the governor of the state much heed his requisitions or his remonstrances.
Caswell, who was in command of the militia, disregarded his orders from the
vanity of acting separately. ' Officers of European experience alone,' wrote
Kalb on the seventh of July to his wife, ' do not know what it is to contend against
difficulties and vexations. My present condition makes me doubly anxious to
return to you.' Yet under all privations the officers and men of his command
vied with each other in maintaining order and harmony. In his camp, at Buffalo
Ford on Deep River, while he was still doubting how to direct his march, he
received news of measures adopted by congress for the southern campaign.

"Washington wished Greene to succeed Lincoln; congress, not asking his
advice, and not ignorant of his opinion, on the thirteenth of June unanimously
appointed Gates to the command of the southern army, and constituted him
independent of the commander-in-chief. He received his orders from congress,
and was to make his reports directly to that body, which bestowed on him unusual
powers and all its confidence. He might address himself directly to Virginia and
the states beyond it for supplies ; of himself alone appoint all staff officers ;
and take such measures as he should think most proper for the defence of the
south.

"From his plantation in Virginia, Gates made his acknowledgment to con-
gress without elation ; to Lincoln he wrote in modest and affectionate language.
His first important act was the request to congress for the appointment of
Morgan as a brigadier-general in the continental service, and in this he was sup-
ported by Jefferson and Rutledge. He enjoined on the corps of White and Wash-
ington, and on all remnants of continental troops in Virginia, to repair to the
southern army with all possible diligence.

" Upon information received at Hillsborough from Huger, of South Carolina,
Gates formed his plan to march directly to Camden, confident of its easy cap-
ture, and the consequent recovery of the country. To Kalb he wrote ; ' Enough
has already been lost in a vain defence of Charleston ; if more is sacrificed, the
southern states are undone; and this may go nearly to undo the rest.'

" Arriving in the camp of Kalb, he was confirmed in his purpose by Thomas
Pinckney, who was his aid, and by Marion. It was the opinion of Kalb that the
enemy would not make a stand at Camden. His first words ordered the troops
to be prepared to march at a moment's warning. The safest route, recommended
by a memorial of the principal officers, was by way of Salisbury and Charlotte,
through a most fertile, salubrious and well cultivated country, inhabited by Pres-
byterians, who were heartily attached to the cause of independence, and among
whom a post of defence might have been established in case of disaster. But
Gates was impatient ; and having detached Marion towards the interior of South
Carolina, to watch the motions of the enemy and furnish intelligence, he, on the
morning of the twenty-seventh of July, put what he called the ' grand army ' on
its march by the shortest route to Camden, through a barren country, which could
offer no food but lean cattle, fruit, and unripe maize.

" On the third of August the army crossed the Peedee River, making a junction
on its southern bank with Lieutenant-colonel Porterfield of Virginia, an excellent
officer, who had been sent to the relief of Charleston, and had kept his small

252 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

command on the frontier of South Carolina, having found means to subsist them,
and to maintain the appearance of holding that part of the country.

" The force of which Gates could dispose was greater than that which could be
brought against him , it revived the hopes of the South Carolinians, who were
writhing under the insolence of an army in which every soldier was a licensed
plunderer, and every officer a functionary wi h power to outlaw peaceful citizens
at will. The British commander on the Peedee called in his detachments, aban-
doned his post on the Cheraw Hill, and repaired to Lord Rawdon at Camden.
An escort of Caroliniansy who had been forced to take up arms on the British
side, rose against their officers, and made prisoners of a hundred and six British
invalids who were descending the Peedee River. A large boat from Georgetown,
laden with stores for the British at Cheraw, was seized by Americans. A general
revolt in the public mind against British authority invited Gates onwards. To the
encouragements of others, the General added his own illusions ; he was confident
that Cornwallis, with detached troops from his main body, was gone to Savannah,
and from his camp on the Peedee he announced on the fourth, by a proclamation,
that their late triumphant and insulting foes had retreated with precipitation and
dismay on the approach of his numerous, well appointed and formidable army ;
forgiveness was promised to those who had been forced to profess allegiance, and
pardon was withheld only from those apostate sons of America who should hereafter
support the enemy.

"On the seventh, at the Cross Roads, the troops with Gates made a junction
with the North Carolina militia under Caswell, and proceeded towards the enemy
at Lynch's Creek.

" In the following night, that post was abandoned ; and Lord Rawdon occupied
another on the southern bank of Little Lynch's Creek, unassailable for the deep,
muddy channel of the river, and within a day's march of Camden. Here he was
joined by Tarleton with a small detachment of cavalry, who on their way had
mercilessly ravished the country on the Black River as a punishment to its patriot
inhabitants, and as a terror to the dwellers on the Wateree and Santee. By
forced march up the stream, Gates could have turned Lord Rawdon's flank,
and made an easy conquest of Camden. Missing his only opportunity on the
eleventh, after a useless halt of two days, he defiled by the right, and marching
to the north of Camden, on the thirteenth encamped at Clermont, which the
British had just abandoned. The time thus allowed, Rawdon used to strengthen
himself by four companies from Ninety Six, as well as by the troops from Cler-
mont, and to throw up redoubts at Camden.

" On the evening of the tenth, Cornwallis left Charleston, and arrived at Camden
before the dawn of the fourteenth. At ten o'clock on the night of the fifteenth,
he set his troops in motion, in the hope of joining battle with the Americans at
the break of day.

"On the fourteenth, Gates had been joined by seven hundred Virginia militia
under the command of Stevens. On the same day, Sumter, appearing in camp
with four hundred men, asked as many more to intercept a convoy with its stores
on the road from Charleston to Camden. Gates, who believed himself at the head
of seven thousand men, granted his request. Sumter left the camp, taking with
him eight hundred men, and on the next morning captured the wagons and their
escort.

" An exact field return proved to Gates that he had but three thousand and
fifty-two rank and file present and fit for duty. 'These are enough,' said he,
'for our purpose ; ' and on the fifteenth he communicated to a council of officers

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 253

an order to begin their march at ten o'clock in the evening of that day. He was
listened to in silence. Many wondered at a night march of an army of which
more than two-thirds were militia, that had never even been paraded together;
but Gates, who had the 'most sanguine confidence of victory and the dispersion
of the enemy,' appointed no place for rendezvous, and began his march before
his baggage was sufficiently in his rear.

"At half-past two on the morning of the sixteenth, about nine miles from Cam-
den, the advance guard of Cornwallis fell in with the advance guard of the
Americans. To the latter, the collision was a surprise. Their cavalry was in
front, but Armand, its commander, who disliked his orders, was insubordinate;
the horsemen in his command turned suddenly and fled, and neither he nor they
did any service that night or the next day. The retreat of Armand's legion pro-
duced confusion in the first Maryland brigade, and spread consternation through-
out the army, till the light infantry on the right, under the command of Colonel
Porterfield, threw back the party that made the attack and restored order ; but at
a great price, for Porterfield received a wound which proved mortal.

"To a council of the American general officers, held immediately in the rear of
the lines, Gates communicated the report of a prisoner, that a large regular force
of British troops under Cornwallis was five or six hundred yards in their front, and
submitted the question whether it would be proper to retreat. Stevens declared
himself eager for battle, saying that ' the information was but a stratagem of
Rawdon to escape the attack.' No other advice being offered, Gates desired
them to form in line of battle.

" The position of Lord Cornwallis was most favorable. A swamp on each side
secured his flanks against the superior numbers of the Americans. At daybreak
his last dispositions were made. The front line, to which were attached two six-
pounders and two three-pounders, was commanded on the right by Lieutenant-
colonel Webster, on the left by Lord Rawdon ; a battalion, with a six-pounder,
was posted behind each wing as a reserve ; the cavalry were in the rear, ready to
charge or to pursue.

"On the American side, the second Maryland brigade, of which Gist was brig-
adier, and the men of Delaware occupied the right under Kalb ; the North Caro-
lina division with Caswell, the centre ; and Stevens with the newly arrived Virginia
militia, the left : the best troops on the side strongest by nature, the worst on the
weakest. The first Maryland brigade, at the head of which Smallwood should
have appeared, formed a second line, about two hundred yards in the rear of the
first. The artillery -was divided between the two brigades.

" Gates took his place in the rear of the second line. He gave no order till
Otho Williams proposed to him to begin the attack with the brigade of Stevens,
his worst troops, who had been with the army only one day. Stevens gave the word;
and as they prepared to move forward Cornwallis ordered Webster, whose division
contained his best troops, to assail them, while Rawdon was to engage the Amer-
ican right. As the British with Webster rushed on, firing and shouting huzza,
Stevens reminded his militia that they had bayonets ; but they had received them
only the day before, and knew not how to use them ; so, dropping their muskets,
they escaped to the woods with such speed that not more than three of them were
killed or wounded.

" Caswell and the militia of North Carolina, except the few who had Gregory
for their brigadier, followed the example ; so that nearly two-thirds of the army
fled without firing a shot. Gates writes of them, as an eye-witness : ' The British
cavalry continuing to harass their rear, they ran like a torrent and bore all before

254 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

them ; ' that is to say, the General himself was borne with them. They took to
the woods, and dispersed in every direction, while Gates disappeared entirely from
the scene, taking no thought for the Continental troops whom he had left at their
posts in the field, or flying, or, as he called it, retiring as fast as possible to Charlotte.

" The militia having been routed, Webster came round the flank of the first
Maryland brigade, and attacked them in front and on their side. Though Small-
wood was nowhere to be found, they were sustained by the reserve, till the brigade
was outflanked by greatly superior numbers, and obliged to give ground. After
being twice rallied, they finally retreated. The division which Kalb commanded
continued long in action, and never did troops show greater courage than these
men of Maryland and Delaware. The horse of Kalb had been killed under him,
and he had been badly wounded ; yet he continued the fight in front. At last, in
the hope that victory was on his side, he led a charge, drove the division under
Rawdon, took fifty prisoners, and would not believe that he was not about to gain
the day when Cornwallis poured against him a party of dragoons and infantry.
Even then he did not yield, until disabled by many wounds.

" The victory costs the British about five hundred of their best troops ; ' their,
great loss,' wrote Marion, 'is equal to a defeat.' How many Americans perished
on the field, or surrendered, is not accurately known. They saved none of their
artillery and little of their baggage. Except one hundred continental soldiers,
whom Gist conducted across the swamps, through which the cavalry could not
follow, every corps was dispersed. The canes and underwood that hid them
from their pursuers separated them from one another.

" Kalb lingered for three days ; but before he closed his eyes he bore an affec-
tionate testimony to the exemplary conduct of the division which he had com-
manded, and of which two-fifths had fallen in battle. Opulent, and happy in his
wife and children, he gave to the United States his life and his example. Con-
gress voted him a monument. The British Parliament voted thanks to Cornwallis.

Gates and Caswell, who took flight with the militia, gave up all for lost ; and
leaving the army without orders, rode in all haste to Clermont, which they reached
ahead of all the fugitives, and then pressed on, and still on, until late in the night,
the two Generals escorted each other into Charlotte. The next morning, Gates,
who was a petty intriguer, not a soldier, left Caswell to rally such troops as might
come in ; and himself sped to Hillsborough, where the North Carolina legislature
was soon to meet, riding altogether more than two hundred miles in three days
and a half, and running away from his army so fast and so far that he knew nothing
about its condition. Caswell, after spending one day at Charlotte, disobeyed
the order of his chief and followed his example.

" On the nineteenth, American officers, coming into Charlotte, placed their
hopes of a happier turn of events on Sumter, who commanded the largest Ameri-
can force that now remained in the Carolinas."

These narratives of Gordon and Bancroft present antagonistic views
of the character and military capacity of Gates. The one represents
the opinion held of him by his contemporaries, the other the subse-
quent verdict of our most distinguished historian. The purpose of
the present paper is to note their differences, and to re-open the argu-
ment in the new light which the recently discovered papers of General
Gates throw upon the subject.

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 255

When the news of the surrender of Charleston to the British, on the
12th of May, reached Philadelphia, where Congress was sitting-, the
necessity of a reorganization of the Southern Department was imme-
diately apparent, and the eyes of the country turned instinctively to Gene-
ral Gates. Washington, Mr. Bancroft asserts, "wished Greene to succeed
Lincoln," but " Congress not asking his advice, and not ignorant of his
opinion, on the 13th June, unanimously appointed Gates to the com-
mand of the Southern army, and made him independent of the Com-
mander-in-Chief." According to Gordon, the " reasons that wrought
in favor of General Gates were that he was considered in common
as the best qualified for the command." That this was the general
opinion of men well competent to judge, including those who had
served under him in the Saratoga campaign, is amply sustained by
documentary evidence. Colonel Morgan, who commanded the riflemen
who turned the tide at Bemus' Heights in the battle of the 19th
September, had watched the conduct of affairs with considerable alarm.
Doubting the capacity of Lincoln, he had, unsolicited, written to a
member of the Board of War to urge the assignment of Gates, in
whom he had the utmost confidence, to the southern command. In-
formed of his appointment, he wrote to him on the 24th June, that he
was "exceedingly glad that he had the command to the southward,"
among other reasons, because " his character would stir up the people
and put fresh life into them," and then hastened to give his advice to
Jefferson, the Governor of Virginia, concerning the employment of the
militia of that State.

John Rutledge, the Governor of South Carolina, who had witnessed
the British successes in his neighborhood, had already written
despatches to the South Carolina delegates in Congress to urge the
assignment of Gates to the southern department, and driven from his
home by their further advance, hurried to Philadelphia to secure the
"appointment of an able and experienced General for that purpose."
Finding that his wishes had coincided with the sentiment of Con
gress, he immediately wrote to Gates expressing his satisfaction, and
tendering him every assistance in his power. Governor Nash of North
Carolina, expressed the same satisfaction in these significant words :
"We think ourselves highly favored by Congress, Sir, in having a gen-
tleman of your approved abilities and good conduct appointed to the
command in chief in these Southern States," and pledged his hearty
support. Richard Peters, Secretary of the Board of War, in an affec-
tionate note, assured him of his contentment, and recalled the disastrous

256 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

situation of the northern states from which Gates rescued them by his
military skill at Saratoga. " Our affairs to the southward look blue — so
they did when you took command before the Burgoynade. I can only
now say, go and do likewise — God bless you."

Nor was the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the representative of the gen-
erous monarch whose fleet was hourly expected with timely succor,
less marked in his words of pleasure with the appointment. " The
choice (he wrote on the 6th July) which the thirteen States have made
of you in the present condition of affairs, to labor to reestablish mat-
ters in the Southern States, gives me every ground for favorable
augury of the success of the enterprises you may undertake. The union
of your interests with our own is so intimate that we congratulate our-
selves as much as the United States at seeing such important operations
in your hands." These seem to be sufficient evidence of the cor-
rectness of Gordon's statement that " Gates was considered in common
as the best qualified for the command." It also appears that it was in
deference to this common opinion that Congress made the appointment,
and not in consequence of any importunity on the part of General
Gates or his immediate personal friends, as has been hinted, if not
directly charged, while the interference of Rutledge shows with equal
conclusiveness that Gates was not alone the choice of the New England
members of Congress in a supposed jealousy of Washington's para-
mount influence, but that he was the choice, also, of those most imme-
diately concerned in the conduct of affairs in the southern department.

Peters' opinion of the " blue " aspect of affairs has been quoted.
Nor were the Armstrongs, father and son, better satisfied with the
outlook. " Whilst I congratulate you," wrote John Armstrong on the
15th June, " on your present unanimous appointment to the command of
the Southern department, I cannot be insensible of the prospect before
you & the many known & unknown difficulties you have to encounter.
Let wisdom, patience and fortitude from above carry you through."
And the son, John Armstrong, Jr., a few days later, in his characteristic
eccentric vein, says, " As it stands I don't know whether the appoint-
ment be a matter of condolement or congratulation," and adds, " be it
eventually, my dear General, what it will, I intend to share your for-
tunes and shall be with you in a few days."

To the modesty of the deportment of Gates, Mr. Bancroft himself
bears witness. " He made his acknowledgment to Congress without ela-
tion." Gates' own words express more than this sentence implies. " While
I live I shall be happy to execute the commands of Congress, and notwith-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 257

standing they have given me a new field for action, and that in the most
untoward circumstances, I promise them I will do my utmost to save and
most effectually to serve the general interest in the Southern States."

The resolution of Congress, conferring the appointment, was accom-
panied by a letter from the war office (June 15, 1780,) which enclosed a
letter from Baron de Kalb, on whom the command of the southern de-
partment had devolved after the surrender of Lincoln, showing his situ-
ation and pointed out to Gates the necessity of his " immediate presence
to organize and collect the too much divided little force which he
would have for the beginning of his army," and furnished him an esti-
mate of the forces, amounting to 3,200, total in rank and file.

The difficulties which General Gates encountered, concisely stated
by Gordon, are passed by in silence by Bancroft. The letters now first
published fully bear out the words of Gordon: " He soon felt for him-
self, finding that he succeeded to the command of an army without
strength, of a military chest without money, of a department apparently
deficient in public spirit, and in a climate that increased despondency
instead of animating the soldier's arm. He had before him the most
unpromising prospect his eyes ever beheld." These words of Gordon
are without change from the letter Gates himself wrote from Fred-
ericksburg, July 4, to General Lincoln, his predecessor, condoling with
him on his defeat, and soliciting his advice in the management of the
people he was about to command.

Those which he wrote from Hillsborough, on his arrival on the 19th
July, to the President of Congress and Governors Jefferson and Nash,
give a strong picture of the ' deplorable state in which he found every
arm of the service. An entire deficiency of magazines ; a hospital
without medicines or stores of any kind ; arms partly out of repair ; too
many without cartridge boxes, and all destitute of bayonet belts ; with-
out tents ; frequent intervals of twenty-four hours in which the army,
without distinction, were obliged to feed upon such green vegetables as
they could find, having neither animal food or corn ; the treasury ol
Virginia without a single dollar, and that of North Carolina, on which
he had also warrants from Congress, in a like deficiency.' Yet the
brave hearted old man still clung to the hope that with the united and
animated endeavors of Virginia and North Carolina, all might be saved.
With tireless energy he finally supplied all immediate deficiencies. In
the evening of the 24th July be arrived at the Camp of de Kalb, at Cox's
Mills, and in the morning following summoned a meeting of general
officers for Thursday, the 27th, to consult on a plan of campaign,

258 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

inviting- the presence oi Major General Caswell, who commanded
the North Carolina Militia, and of Generals Rutherford and Harring-
ton. To Caswell he expressed his satisfaction in the belief that the
active " measures taken by the governments of Virginia and North
Carolina'* would enable him " to push the enemy from their advanced
posts.'* Bancroft says that from information received while at Hills-
borough from General Huger, " Gates formed his plan to march
directly to Camden, confident of its easy capture and the consequent
recovery of the country." The authority for this statement is not
given, and the letter of Gates to Governor Nash, which went with
General Huger to the Governor, announces no such intention, but
contains only the general expression "that with proper exertions he
had no doubt that the enemy might be confined to Charles Town,
and finally expelled from it."

It was not until he reached de Kalb's camp that he arrived at any
plan. He was warmly received by de Kalb, who was made " happy by
his arrival," being in strait for provisions and in trouble with his cavalry
officers. Here he found information, from Colonel Sumpter, concerning
the British force, which was by that enterprising officer estimated at
3,240 men, scattered over twelve posts, including Charleston and Savan-
nah. At Camden and its vicinity Sumpter considered there were not
over 700 men, and in the Cheraws 600 were reported.

In his letter, which was of the 17th July, from his camp on the
Catawba River, and addressed to de Kalb, Sumpter strongly urged
immediate efforts to prevent a junction of these different bodies,
"which if attempted could not possibly be effected in less than twelve
to fifteen days time." He pointed out " how vastly weak the enemy was
by being so detached in small parties." " If," he added, " they are per-
mitted to retreat slowly to Charles Town, or have an opportunity of
collecting the forces and embodying the militia, whom they compel to
do duty;" " If, I say," (he repeats his opinion,) " they are suffered to do
this, they will by that means add above ten thousand men to their army,
and thereby become so strong as not only to keep possession of Charles
Town, but also a great part of the State besides." The plan suggested
by Sumpter to prevent this junction need not be considered here, these
extracts from his letters being merely introduced to show the nature of
the arguments for a rapid advance, which were pressed upon General
Gates by those best acquainted with the nature of the country, the force
of the enemy, and the disposition of the population.

In a note to his first edition, Bancroft says, on the authority of a letter

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 259

of de Kalb published by the British, " It was the opinion of Kalb that the
enemy would not make a stand at Camden," and incorporates the state-
ment in his revised work. In a second note, quoting from Kapp's Life
of Kalb, Bancroft further says that Gates was confident that Cornwallis
with detached troops from his main body had gone to Savannah. And
Gates was right in the supposition that he had gone southward, as
Bancroft admits in the statement that on the evening of the tenth of
August Cornwallis left Charleston for Camden. " To these encourage-
ments," Bancroft says, " Gates added his own illusions."

The conference of general officers, invited by Gates on the 25th
July, did not take place, General Caswell replying from his camp
at Moore's Ferry, on the west side of the Yadkin, at ten o'clock the
next morning, that Generals Rutherford and Harrington were at
Mask's Ferry, forty-five miles below on the east side of the Peedee,
adding that he was himself in a bad state of health, and asking
to be excused. His letter closed with the information that the militia
under his command were passing the Yadkin, and that he' proposed to
move down to Colston's, thirty miles below, in the fork of the Peedee
and Rocky Rivers.

The next day Gates received word from General Stevens, by a letter
written from his camp at Col. Thacherstone's the night of the 26th,
that he expected to be at Cox's Mill with the Virginia militia, early on
the morning of the 28th (July). Aware that the conduct of Caswell
was a continuance of the independent action he had maintained against
de Kalb's repeated requests that he should join the main body, Gates
justly considered it to be an intentional evasion of his orders, and
alarmed at the consequences which might ensue, determined to effect a
junction. In the after orders of the same day (the 26th) the troops were
ordered to strike their tents the next morning at half-past three, and the
officers were directed to keep their platoons, posts and stations with
the nicest exactness, as the advance was towards the enemy. On the
morning of the 27th (July) the army moved, General Gates at its head,
crossed the Deep River at Buffalo Ford, and went into camp in the
afternoon at Spinks' farm. Here it was, according to Gordon, that Colo-
nel Otho H. Williams, later his Adjutant-General, repeated to General
Gates the advice he had in substance given to Baron de Kalb more than
a fortnight before, which was to deviate from the direct road to
Camden ; to order General Caswell to join him at the mouth of Rocky
River on Peedee, thence to Charlotte, and from Charlotte to march by
way of Waxhaws toward Camden. Colonel Williams' narrative con-

260 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

firms this statement, in these words, that " presuming on the friend-
ship of the General, he ventured to expostulate with him upon the
seeming precipitate and inconsiderate step he was taking." Bancroft
states that the safest route, by way of Salisbury and Charlotte, " was
recommended by a memorial of the principal officers/' but gives no
authority in support of the statement. Colonel Williams asserts that
a short note from the most active and intelligent officers, was presented
to General Gates, concisely intimating the same opinion (he had
expressed). General Gates said " that he would confer with the gen-
eral officers when the troops halted at noon." Whether any conference
took place or not, Colonel Williams adds, he did not know. If there
were any formal council, the minutes of it should certainly appear
among the Gates manuscripts, and the same may be said of the
protest of the officers, if such there were — but the extremely full
files in the New York Historical Society, from which it is evident that
nothing has been designedly excluded, contain no such document.
Gordon, who must have questioned Gates on this important point,
says, " that a council was called upon the occasion ; but the opinion did
not prevail ; the first motives preponderated, and the army pursued the
direct route for Camden." What the first motives were must be looked
for in the words used by Gordon in a preceding chapter (III., 392), viz.,
to effect a junction of the regular and irregular forces, to assume an
appearance of hostile views upon the enemy's advanced posts. From
Gordon's statement, it is probable that de Kalb, and perhaps others,
were verbally consulted, and that the importance of striking Camden,
before the British garrisons could be concentrated there, outweighed
all considerations of comfort or convenience to the army, in the alter-
native route suggested, or concern as to the character of the population
which dwelled upon it.

Camden seems to have been considered as the strategic key to the
country by the officers of both armies. Gates and Cornwallis were
equally eager to reach it in force, and in the campaign which succeeded
Greene and Cornwallis again struggled for its mastery. Moreover,
Gates was in possession of information that, alarmed by the approach
of the North Carolina militia, which had made their rendezvous at
Anson Court House on the 25th of July, Major McArthur had aban-
doned his post on the Cheraw Hill, and marched straight for Camden,
where Lord Rawdon was in command ; the inhabitants rising in his
rear. It is a nice question for military strategists to determine
whether, with the information before him, Gates was or was not justi-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 26l

fied in choosing- the shorter but more difficult route, in order to
strike Camden before it could be adequately reinforced from the more
southerly posts. The sequel showed that had he been a day earlier
the post might have been carried.

Renewing the march on the 27th Gates reached Colston's on the
28th July and, with increased watchfulness as the army neared the South
Carolina borders, moved on the 29th to Kimborough, where he halted
till the 1st August, being detained over the 31st by a violent storm.
From the camp at Kimborough Gates sent an express to General
Caswell on the 29th July, advising him of his movement and intentions,
and invited the expression of his views as well as those of General
Rutherford upon the circumstances and state of the enemy, all of
whose outposts, quite to Camden, he had learned from a British
deserter, had been evacuated the Sunday night previous, July 23. Me
also particularly asked of General Caswell " all intelligence of Lord
Conwallis' designs," and his opinions " what in the circumstances it
was best to do." In this deference to Caswell's superior knowledge of
country, Gates showed no signs of that reckless indifference to the
opinion of others which Colonel Williams apparently imputes to him
in the direction of his march.

In reply a letter was received from General Rutherford dated
Camp near the Cheraws, July 30th, to the effect that a party sent out
to reconnoitre the road toward Camden had gone as far as within
fourteen miles of Lynch's Creek, and returned with the intelligence
that the British had left the Cheraws, and that the party which retreated
from Anson's Court House was encamped at Big Lynch's Creek ;
and General Caswell the same day sent Brigadier General Harring-
ton from Anson's Court House, an officer well acquainted with the
country, to give details of information, expressing himself inclined to
the opinion that the enemy would " collect his utmost strength at
Camden, where he either intended making a stand or to retreat to
Charles Town." This being in accordance with the views already
entertained of his purposes, Gates pressed forward his army with all
his energy. To General Caswell he wrote in conciliatory terms,
excusing the neglect to comply with his summons. Inferring that
this officer had put his troops in motion from Deep River he resolved
to support him.

On the 30th Gates wrote to General Stevens, who was in his rear,
to hurry forward, and directed General Caswell to march by the
shortest road to Anderson's, to which he was directing his own course.

262 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

As he neared the enemy he desired a speedy junction of the whole
force, and he had other reasons quite as important. As he advanced
he found that Caswell and Rutherford had foraged the country on
both sides of the river, while the Virginia militia behind him stopped
all the provisions as they came forward, to such an extent that while
the outlying bodies were in comparative comfort, the main army was
at the point of starvation. Mortified, disappointed and grieved at
the sufferings of his troops, the General wrote letters of bitter remon-
strance to Governors Jefferson and Nash, at Richmond and Newbern, on
whose promises he had relied.

Waiting for the artillery and baggage to come up, and delayed
by the storm, the army was not put in motion until the afternoon of
Tuesday, the ist August, when the Maryland brigade crossed the
Peedee at Mask's Ferry, and encamped on the east side of the river.
Colonel Senf, the engineer, was ordered to trace out a redoubt on
the west bank of the river to cover the ferry, and a guard of militia
was left to execute the work. The crossing of the river on the ist
being again interfered with by a heavy storm, the artillery was not
all gotten over till the next night. On the 3d the march was resumed,
with renewed caution to the troops to preserve a perfect discipline,
"as though every hour to apprehend a surprise." May's Hill was
reached on the 4th, Deep Creek on the 5th.

It required still another summons to persuade General Caswell to
put himself on the march. Finally on the 30th he took the required
direction and his advance arrived the next day at the appointed spot.
He halted himself, however, with his main body, at Jennings' Branch,
where he received information by a " person from the British camp" that
there were only about 700 British at Lynch's Creek, a post fifteen miles
distant, whom he thought it possible to surprise, and intimated his desire
to try the venture. This word he sent by letter to Gates through Colo-
nel Williams, who was instantly returned with consent to the attempt
and orders to Colonel Porterfield, who was in the advance in camp at
Thompson's Creek, to join in the enterprise, engaging also to cooperate
in the movement with the main army, " not doubting that the intelli-
gence could be relied upon." A few hours later a second messenger
reached Gates from Caswell, announcing that he had received further
information that the enemy, 2,900 strong, were about to march and
attack him, and urging instant reinforcement.

General Gates, surprised at this conflicting intelligence, lost confi-
dence in the judgment of Caswell, and alarmed for the safety of the

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 263

militia, hurried his troops forward. Riding in advance of his army, which
halted on the road on the 6th, the General pushed on with Colonel Wil-
liams, whom he had that day appointed Deputy Adjutant-General, to
Caswell's camp, which he found in confusion and disorder. The
next day, the 7th, the main body came up after a forced march of
forty miles in two days, and the long desired junction was made at the
•Deep River Creek Cross Roads.

Bancroft passes by without comment the peculiar conduct of General
Caswell. His protracted neglect of the orders given him with his com-
mand of the militia to "join and cooperate with the regular forces " is
noticed with implied censure by Gordon and Williams. The latter
adds, that Gates told him that " Caswell's evasion of orders was
caused by the gratification of his vanity at having a separate command,
and that he had reason to believe, from the letters of Governor Nash,
that the supplies of provisions destined for his army had been used
in profusion in Caswell's camp." Surely, never was commander more
shabbily treated than Gates in this unfortunate campaign. Yet with an
energy unusual in a man of his age, Gates pressed on to reach his object-
ive point, where he counted upon immediate security and abundant
supplies from the fertile country. Finding Caswell's troops well armed
and accoutred and eager for action, also satisfied that the force of the
enemy had not increased from the middle of June, when it was estimated
at not exceeding 2,000 at and near Camden, of which 1,000 regulars,
550 loyalists, and 300 cavalry and infantry of the Legion, he despatched
a courier to Colonel Sumpter with news of his movements and a request
for the latest intelligence concerning the enemy, and continued his for.
ward march. The army was re-arranged. Major-General the Baron de
Kalb at the head of the Maryland troops commanded the right wing, and
Major-General Caswell the left wing, North Carolina militia. Before leav-
ing Camp Anderson Gates had placed General Harrington in command
of the militia forces raising on the Peedee from the Cheraw district to
the mouth of the river, and directed him to make an effort with a picked
band to surprise the British garrison at Georgetown, an enterprise which,
if successful, would threaten the security of the British advance
posts.

Colonel Armand's legion with Colonel Porterfield's infantry and
the light infantry of General Caswell's division, were now thrown for-
ward, with orders to hang upon and harass the rear of the retreat-
ing enemy. General orders of the same day (7th) directed that the sick
and the superfluous baggage be sent to Charlotte.

264 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

At three o'clock the next morning-, the 8th, the army marched, and
reached the post on Lynch's Creek which Lord Rawdon had evacuated
the night before. Here a deserter brought in intelligence that the
enemy halted the same morning on an eminence four miles beyond on
Little Lynch's Creek, a day's march from Camden, and a much stronger
position by nature than that they had left. Here the army encamped in
regular order. The retreat of the British left Gates master of the field,,
but as Colonel Williams observes, " it was a barren one." " To have
descended among the fertile fields of Black River would have been,'*'
to quote Williams again, " leaving the garrison of Camden between the
army and the expected reinforcements from Virginia, besides the refugees-
from North Carolina repeated their assurances of joining in considerable
numbers in a few days."

On the 9th the sick and the heavy baggage left for Charlotte under
escort, Colonel Hull was thrown forward six miles on the road leading"
to Camden by Little Lynch's Creek, and Colonel Senf, the Chief Engi-
neer, was directed to reconnoitre the ground and fix an encampment.
Notwithstanding the anxiety of Gates to have his whole force in hand,,
the nature of the country did not admit of any delay. The last word from
General Stevens was that on the 3d he still lay with the Virginia militia, in
camp at Cox's, impatient to move, but awaiting supplies, to " cross the
desert." The desire of Gates to reach Camden with the least possible
delay was heightened by the news he in the course of the day received,
from Colonel Hull, five miles in advance of the army, that he had intel-
ligence that " Lord Rawdon, with four regiments, was two miles;
beyond the bridge (at Little Lynch's Creek), and Cornwallis expected
that evening." This disposes of Bancroft's assertion that Gates was
not aware of Cornwallis' presence with the British army.

On the 10th the army again moved forward, and encamped on
Lynch's Heights. On the nth they advanced as far as Marshall's
farm, on Little Lynch's Creek. Here it was discovered "that the
enemy's post was on the south side of the water on commanding
ground ; that the way leading to it was over a causeway on the
north side to a wooden bridge, which stood on very steep banks ;
and that the creek lay in a deep muddy channel, bounded on
the north by an extensive swamp, and passable nowhere within
several miles, but in the face of the enemy's work. The enemy
was not disposed to abandon these advantages without feeling the pulse
of the approaching army ; and General Gates observed that to attack
him in tront " would be to take the bull by the horns." It was nee-

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 265

essary for once to depart from the shortest route to the enemy's prin-
cipal outpost — Camden."

Finding the enemy inclined to dispute the passage of the stream,
Gordon says that an " appearance of taking that route was kept up."
The army, which had been moving by the left, was on the morning of
the 1 2th marched by the right towards Clermont or Rugeley's Mills.
Armand's legion leading the way, followed by the Maryland division of
regulars, while the North Carolina division of militia brought up the
rear, with Porterfield's light infantry on their left flank. The change of
march was covered and concealed by Colonel Hull with a detachment
from the Maryland division.

This movement Bancroft condemns. " By a forced march up the
stream," he says, " Gates could have turned Lord Rawdon's flank, and
made an easy conquest of Camden. Missing his only opportunity, on
the nth, after a useless halt of two days, he defiled by the right, and
marching to the north of Camden, on the 13th encamped at Clermont,
which the British had just abandoned. The time thus allowed Raw-
don used to strengthen himself by four companies from Ninety-six, as
well as by the troops from Clermont, and to throw up redoubts at Cam-
den." On a matter of tactics of this nature military critics must be allowed
to decide. Johnson, in his incidental account of this campaign in his
Life of Greene, charges upon Gates as a military error that, opposed by
a very inferior force to his own on the banks of Lynch's Creek, he
should have suffered himself to be forced to ascend its left bank, and to pass
its head, instead of forcing his way across to Camden. But from what
Williams says of the nature of the ground, the passage could not have
been forced without severe loss.

In addition to these motives for diverging from the direct route,
was the receipt of information from Colonel Sumpter (Camp Waxsaw,
9th August) that on the evening of the Sunday previous (the 7th) he
had fallen upon the British camp at Hanging Rock, and defeated them
with severe loss. In his letter Sumpter says: "Both British and Tories
are panic struck, and seem well convinced that fifteen hundred men can
go through any parts of the State with ease," and he adds, " this will not
be the case ten or fifteen days hence ; " and urged strongly on Gates to
send a force to take possession of the high hills and Neilson's ferry, a cen-
tral post, which commands all the passages, both by land and water, to
Charlestown. Twelve to fifteen hundred men he considered enough for
this purpose. On the nth this enterprising officer sent further advice,
that he had taken possession of all the passways over the Wateree

266 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

River, five miles below Camden, and that all the British guards had
been ordered into Camden. He reported the number of British reg-
ular troops as not exceeding twelve hundred, and the militia as less
than one thousand, generally sickly and dispirited, and that a reinforce-
ment of five hundred was expected from Charlestown to arrive in
two days. Elias Langham, a sergeant of artillery from the British
camp, reported that on the nth August the effective force at Camden
was 2,365 men, of which 1,770 were regulars. He also testified on his
examination that Cornwallis was near with a reinforcement of Hessians,
said to be at the Congaree.

On the 12th Colonel Sumpter wrote word from his camp, at Sands'
Ford on the Catawba River, that no detachment had been made from the
British post of Ninety-six, and that Camden was defenceless, unless the
troops had retreated into it, which he did not believe, but that works
were constructing at the Saw Mills. He expressed himself as " clear
that they meant to make no great opposition at Camden, but that all
their preparations were mere amusements, by which they expected to
gain time to remove their sick and wounded." He also reported three
large boats, laden with salt, rum, sugars and clothing, had just come
up on the way to Charlestown, and urged Gates to send a party to fall
in their rear and cut off these supplies. And he again reported that the
enemy were gaining strength to the westward, and that the advantage
■of the American arms " depended much on despatch,* and a push into
the heart of the country " settles the business in three weeks time, as
well in Charles Town as in the Country, the enemy being so detached
that they can't oppose an army ; " and he closes his letter with the sig-
nificant sentence : " The next of your favours I am honoured with I
hope will be from Santee or Camden."

In the morning of the 13th Colonel Porterfield sent in word that he
had been " through the late encampment of the enemy, which they had
left, and were now all in Camden." Surely in the face of this cumula-
tive testimony, it cannot be charged upon Gates that he did not take
every precaution to provide against surprise, and to obtain information,
or that he was unaware of the numbers and movements of the enemy,
or the presence of Cornwallis. The evidence now produced from his
papers is conclusive on all these points.

On the 13th General Stevens arrived in camp with the long-expected
reinforcements of Virginia militia, and Gates felt himself strong enough
to detach one hundred of the Maryland line, three hundred militia and
a company of artillery with two brass pieces to join Colonel Sumpter

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 267

in his proposed attempt to cutoff the convoys on the Wateree, about a
mile from Camden. Gordon says they were sent " to join Colonel
Sumpter." The same words are used by Williams, but Bancroft says
that " Sumpter appearing in camp with four hundred men, asked for
as many more to intercept a convoy with its stores, on the road
from Charleston to Camden." Gordon and Williams also agree in
saying that the stores were on their way to Camden, but Sumpter's
letter is distinct. " If (he says) these large convoys of provisions, which
are now intended for Charles Town, were cut off, that place could
by no means hold out but a few days if besieged."

It is singular there should be a doubt on a point like this. If, as
Bancroft states, Sumpter came into camp with four hundred men and took
as many more away, Gates diminished his force by a detachment equal
to a fourth of his whole army. If the provisions were going to Cam-
den the temptation was great both to deprive the enemy and to supply
himself; if to Charleston, the venture had but the latter stimulant.
Where statements are so radically different, all authorities should be
produced that the point be settled.

Commenting on this diversion Bancroft says, " Gates, who believed
himself at the head of seven thousand men, granted his (Sumpter's)
request." This is a repetition of Williams' statement, that Gates " showed
him a rough estimate of the forces under his command, making them
upward of seven thousand ; whereupon he showed him by the field
return that the numbers of rank and file fit for duty was exactly
three thousand and fifty-two." Gordon says that when the Deputy
Adjutant-General showed Gates an abstract of the field returns, from
which it appeared that there were 4,033 men, "this force was inferior
to what the General imagined." No doubt the General was disap-
pointed, but it is too much to ask of ordinary credulity to believe
that a man like Gates, who had been bred to arms, had himself been the
Adjutant-General of the American army, in which capacity he did
admirable service, and whose correspondence shows him to have been
the most methodical of men, could have so grossly misconceived the
extent of his force. It must be remembered also that the Maryland line,
the light infantry, the cavalry and artillery were fixed quantities — 1,340
men. He must have known the strength of the reinforcements General
Stevens brought in on the 13th — 700 men. These, together, amounted
to about 2,000 men. The chance of false estimate is therefore confined
to the numbers of Caswell's North Carolina division; and it is not
very likely that Gates would have estimated this body, whose separate

268 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

camp he had visited, at five thousand men if it did not consist of more
than two thousand, according to Gordon, or one thousand if we accept
Colonel Williams' statement as to the active numerical force.

The final catastrophe is now approached. Strong or weak there
was nothing left to the army but to advance, and as has been seen there
was no reason for discouragement. Moreover the reinforcing militia had
brought with them no supplies to aid the starving army ; behind was a
sterile desert, whose scant yield had already been stripped to the last
blade; in front the fertile plains and rich valleys of South Carolina ;
between this land of promise and the advancing army lay the enemy they
had come to meet and were anxious to engage; and the contest did not
seem unequal.

On the 15th, according to Gordon, "Gates convened his general
officers, of which there were not less than thirteen, and after a conference
with them directed his Adjutant General, Col. Williams, to issue his
marching orders, the army to move at ten o'clock in the night.""
Colonel Williams says there was " no dissenting voice in the council/"
Bancroft, that Gates " was listened to in silence." The orders were,
according to Williams, no sooner promulgated than they became the
subject of animadversion. Nowhere, however, is there any information
that the dissatisfaction of the officers was with the order of march.
The objection is said to have been to the night march with troops two-
thirds militia. The marching orders, however, prescribed " the pro-
foundest silence." Besides, as Williams justly observes in this con-
nection, neither officers nor men "knew or believed any more than the
General that any considerable body of the enemy were to be met with
out of Camden." The purpose of Gates was to " take a position on
some good grounds " (to use Gordon's words,) in the vicinity of Camden,
and to be in supporting distance of Sumpter.

The army marched at the hour appointed, and before daylight fell in
with the British advance. The troops were formed in line of battle, and
a council of officers immediately summoned. The information obtained
from prisoners captured by the advance guard was communicated, that
Cornwallis in person was in front of them, and their opinions asked.
Stevens exclaimed, " It is now too late to retreat," and it is difficult to
see how a retreat could have been successfully made. The authorities
essentially agree in the account of the battle. The Virginians were
led to the attack, but the British troops moving down upon them with
impetuosity, threw the whole body into such a panic that, according
to Williams, " they threw down their loaded arms and fled in the utmost

PART OF MAP ENGRAVED FOR JOHNSON'S LIFE OF GREENE.

27O THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

consternation. The unworthy example of the Virginians was almost
instantly followed by the North Carolinians. * * * The torrent of
unarmed militia bore away with it Generals Gates, Caswell, and a num-
ber of others. General Gates at first conceived a hope that he might
rally at Clermont a sufficient number of the militia to cover the retreat
of the regulars; but the further they fled the wider they dispersed, and
the generals soon found themselves abandoned, by all but their aids."'
The next morning Gates left Caswell to rally such troops as might come in,
and assemble the militia of Mecklenburg County, and himself hastened to
Hillsborough, to concert some plan of defence, with the Legislature of the
State, " considering not (says Gordon) that by shortening his jour-
ney and remaining at Charlotte or Salisbury, appearances would be
less unfavorable to his personal reputation, though less beneficial to the
public cause." Gordon says: " Gates was borne off the field by a tor-
rent of dismayed militia. They constituted so great a part of his army
that when he saw them break and flee with such precipitation, he lost
every hope of victory, and his only care was, if possible, to rally a suffi
cient number to cover the retreat of the regular troops." Bancroft
ignores the statements of Williams and Gordon, and charges that
" Gates and Caswell took to flight with the militia, leaving his army
without orders." Fortunately there is other evidence than that of
Williams and Gordon.

Among the Steuben papers in the New York Historical Society
collections there is an account of Gates' movements from the 13th of
August, when he arrived at Rugeley's House, Clermont, till his arrival
at Hillsborough on the 19th. This valuable document is endorsed " Plan
of Camden by Colonel Senff." Colonel Christian Senff was the Chief
Engineer of the southern army. He had been detached with the troops
sent to Colonel Sumpter, and it was he that brought word to Gates
after the fate of the day at Camden was decided, of Sumpter's complete
success. Gates sent him with despatches to Congress, announcing his
own defeat. The plan which accompanies the account is supposed to be
of his drawing. Both are given in the appendix. He describes the man-
ner in which Gates endeavored in "person to bring the militia into
order and fire," and, " closed in upon by the enemy's horse, was forced
with Colonel Armand and his escort to wheel." And how he (Gates)
personally a second time hoped to bring them into order at some dis-
tance, but again in vain ; and closely pursued, barely escaped with two
of his aids, Armand's horse reduced to fourteen men, being unable
to follow even. Colonel Senff further states that it was " with the

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 271

advice of his officers that Gates thought proper to get by the assistance
of the night through that part of the country to Hillsborough, where
there had been left some detachments of artillery, and that most chiefly
the militia had directed their course that way, and it was therefore more
probable to reassemble some of the scattered militia in that quarter, and
draw all the detachments together, till other measures could be taken."

There is also among the Gates papers in the New York Historical
Society collections an account of the battle by Major McGill, who, as
may be seen by the General Orders of the 9th, had been an " extra
aid-de-camp to the commander in chief." The account was given by
that officer in a letter to his father, of which Gates later obtained a copy
for his files. McGill describes the " chasm made between the two
brigades" by the flight of the militia, and the effectual manner in which
the enemy's horse, charging through the opening and turning the rear,
cut off the commander in chief from any further communication with
the Maryland division. The veteran heroes stood firmly, under the
brave de Kalb, and redeemed the honors "if not the fortunes of the day."
He speaks also of Gates "riding to stop the militia." " Had they there
not run like cowards," concludes McGill, " our army was sufficient to
cope with them (the British), drawn up as we were upon a rising and
advantageous ground." If further evidence be needed, it may be found
in the letter of General Stevens to General Gates (also in the Gates
papers at the New York Historical Society), dated August 21st,
from his camp at Parsons' Farm, 18 miles from Masque's Ferry. " I
rejoice to hear of your being safe ; but most sincerely condole with you
for our misfortunes, and more especially as they were brought on by ye
damned rascally behavior of ye militia. My feelings never knew what it
was to be hurt before, tho' to repine is unmanly and answers no good end ;
therefore am determined, and am now ready to obey your commands with
double ardor." Of the bravery of Stevens there has never been ques-
tion. Williams calls him " the gallant Stevens."

To pass from these opinions of eye-witnesses and actors in the events
of the disastrous day to other contemporaneous authorities ; General
Greene, writing from Camp at Kennemark, September 5, 1780, to Gov-
ernor Greene of Rhode Island, concurs in the same general testimony ;
" General Gates made several unsuccessful attempts to rally the militia,
but they were so panic struck, it was all to no purpose, and the general
was borne away on the road, and had the mortification to leave the
Maryland Line bravely engaged, without having it in his power to assist
them, or even to tell what was their fate."

2J2 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

Greene visited the battle-ground in company with Colonel Williams
in 1 78 1. Williams in his narrative says that the choice of the field was
approved by that ''judicious and gallant " officer. Gordon (IV., 98) quotes
a letter of Greene, written from the High Hills of Santee, 8 August, 178 1,
to a friend at Philadelphia, which confirms this statement, and con-
tains a complete vindication of Gates' conduct in and after the action.

" Gen. Gates left this country under a heavy load ; and I can assure
you he did not deserve it. If hp was to be blamed for anything at all, it
was for fighting, not for what he did or did not do in or after the action.
I have been upon the ground where he was defeated, and think it was
well chosen, and the troops properly drawn up ; and had he halted after
the defeat at Charlotte, without doing the least thing, I am persuaded
there would have been as little murmuring upon that occasion as in
any instance whatever, where the public meet with a misfortune of equal
magnitude." By common accord Greene stands at the head of the mili-
tary men developed by the long struggle, and his unsupported testi-
mony is alone sufficient to outweigh the censorious criticisms of
civilians or historians of whatever grade. He commanded the very
troops who had been defeated under Gates, was surrounded by their
officers, acquainted with their opinions, and his practical eye had meas-
ured the route of the army and the scene of its contests.

How Washington was affected by the news appears in his letter of
the 8th October to Gates. " The shock was the greater," he says, " as
the operations a few days preceding the action were much in our favor.
The behaviour of the Continental troops does them infinite honor."
This letter is printed by Sparks in his Writings of Washington, VII.,
237. What lesson he drew from the conduct of the militia may be seen
in his as yet unpublished circular letter, a copy of which addressed to
Governor George Clinton, from his headquarters near Passaic Falls,
1 8th October, 1780, is in the New York State Library.

" America has been almost amused out of her liberties. We have
often heard the behaviour of the Militia extolled upon one and another
occasion by men who judge only from the surface ; by men who had
particular views in misrepresenting — by visionary men, whose credulity
easily swallows every vague story in support of a favorite Hypothesis.
I solemnly declare I never was witness to a single instance that coun-
tenances an opinion of Militia or raw troops being fit for the real busi-
ness of fighting. I have found them useful as light parties to skirmish
in the Woods, but incapable of making or sustaining a serious attack.
This firmness is only acquired by habits of discipline and service. I

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 273

mean not to detract from the merit of the Militia. Their zeal and spirit
upon a variety of occasions have entitled them to the highest applause,
but it is of the greatest importance we should learn to estimate them
rightly. We may expect every thing from men that Militia is capable
of, but we must not expect from [them] any services for which Regulars
alone are fit. The late battle at Campden is a melancholy comment on
the doctrine. The Militia fled at the first fire, and left the Continental
troops, surrounded on every side and overpowered by numbers, to
combat for safety instead of Victory. The enemy themselves have
witnessed to their valor."

The misfortune which befell Gates is not alone in history. It was
not unlike that which befell the great Frederick, who was swept off the
field of Mollwitz by a part of his own routed army to a great distance,
and returned to find the battle had been won by those who remained.
To one portion of Bancroft's severe charge, that Gates was " a petty
intriguer, but no soldier," this paper has been devoted, and the argu-
ment is willingly surrendered to the decision of the candid mind. The
conclusion is that Gates moved forward at the earnest solicitation of
Congress on the promise of abundant supplies ; that once engaged upon
the march, to halt or turn back would have been alike disastrous in
effect upon the population of the southern states, and that when the
barren desert had been crossed, he pressed on under the double stim-
ulus of abundance in the rich country before him, and the assurances
of Sumpter and those best competent to judge that his march to Cam-
den would not be seriously opposed. That his dispositions were not
in accordance with true military laws has not yet been asserted by any
competent military critic.

Ramsay, in his history of the Revolution of South Carolina,
sums up the argument in a sentence. " Though much censure was cast
on General Gates for this unfortunate action, yet, upon a careful exam-
ination of every circumstance, his chief fault seems to be his risking a
battle. He chose the most advantageous ground, drew up his men to
the best advantage, but to make them fight was beyond his power." In
this the historian concurs with Greene, the best military authority.

Of the equanimity of spirit with which Gates bore his mortification,
and the dignity with which he disregarded the malice of his contem-
poraries, his admirable correspondence is sufficient proof.

The remaining charge of Bancroft, that Gates was a " petty intriguer,"
is far more grave. Fortunately it is not supported by one atom of evi-
dence. It was not the opinion of his contemporaries, in whom his char-

274 THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

acter was held in high regard. It cannot be shown from his manu-
scripts, where the correspondence of those of his friends who are said
to have been concerned with him in the cabals of the day remains
intact ; a testimony of conscious innocence. Gates at the time himself
indignantly repudiated any connection with the intrigues against Wash-
ington, and Gordon, who examined his papers in 1781, records that
" there was not a single paragraph to be met with that contained any
intimation of his being concerned in any such plan."

General Gates died childless. The news of the death of his only son,
"an elegant young man, well educated and just entering the active
scenes of life," was kept from him while in camp, after the battle of
Camden, but added to the bitterness of his retirement. His fame has
no defence save the use that historians may make of his abundant
manuscripts, to which he seems to have left the perfect vindication of
his capacity and his character. And this silent appeal is not in vain.
The disaster of Waterloo will never blot out the glory of Austerlitz,
nor the rout of Camden efface the memory of Saratoga.

Washington, in one of his letters to Major Tallmadge consoling him
for his mishap on an expedition with which he had been entrusted, made
use of an expression which may well be applied to the conduct of
Gates. The experience of the great chief had been chequered. He
had as often felt the humiliation of defeat as the exultation of victory.
" However," wrote Washington, " it may be the practice of the world
and those who see objects but partially, or through a false medium,
to consider that only as meritorious which is attended with success, I
have accustomed myself to judge of human actions very differently and
to appreciate them by the manner in which they are conducted, more
than by the event ; which it is not in the power of human foresight and
precedence to command." Let Gates be measured by this standard.

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS

1 The History of the Revolution of South Carolina, from a British Province to an Independent
State. By David Ramsay, M. D., Member of the American Congress. In two volumes. 8vo.
Isaac Collins. Trenton, 1785.

2 The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment of the Independence of the United
States of America ; including an account of the late war ; and of the thirteen colonies, from their
origin to that period. By William Gordon, D. D. In four volumes. 8vo. London, 1788.

3 The History of South Carolina from the first settlement in 1670 to the year 1808. In two
volumes. By David Ramsay, M. D. 8vo. David Long worth. Charleston, 1809.

APPENDIX

275

4 A Narrative of the Campaign of 1780. By Colonel Otho Holland Williams, Adjutant Gen-
eral. Printed as Appendix B to Sketches of the Life and Correspondence of Nathanael Greene,
Major General of the Armies of the United States, in the War of the Bevolution. Compiled
chiefly from original materials, by William Johnson of Charleston, South Carolina. In two vol-
umes. 4to. A. E. Miller. Charleston, 1822.

6 The Historical Society Collection of Gates' Papers contains drafts or copies of the letters of
General Gates for this period, but no Order Book.

6 History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent. By George
Bancroft. Vol. X., 8vo. Little, Brown & Co. Boston, 1S74.

7 History of the United States of America from the Discovery of the Continent. By George
Bancroft. In six volumes. Thoroughly revised edition. Vol. VI., i6mo. Little, Brown & Co.
Boston, 1876.

APPENDIX

I
PLAN OF THE BATTLE NEAR CAMDEN, BY COLONEL SENFF

From the Steuben Papers — N. Y. Historical Society

The 13th August, 1780, General Gates arriv'd with the Southern Army at
Rugely's House, 13 miles this side Camden, on the Road from Charlotteburg to
Camden, where the Enemy had a Post, but retreated precipitately on the approach
of Genl Gates. That afternoon, Night & next Morning Reconoitering partys were
sent out, the Enemy at Camden and inferior to our Army. Upon intelligence of the
Engineer the Genl detach'd in the Night of between the 14th and 15th inst. 400 men,

2j6 APPENDIX

with 2 field pieces, Conducted by Col Senf, to join Brig Genl Sumpter of the
South Carolina Militia (12 miles West from the Army), who was moving down the
West Side of Wateree river, according to Genl Gates' order. This junction was
effected the 15th in the morning by crossing the Wateree River at a kind of Ford.
Genl Sumpter march'd down the river (on which the Enemy evacuated several out
posts on the river), Surprised a Guard on the West Side of Wateree Ferry, 3 miles
from Camden, consisting of about 40 Men, under a Militia Col (Carey), took them
prisoners, with which he took also 40 waggons with Drivers, 4 Horses & Waggon,
loaded with Rum, Flour, Corn, &c, 300 head of Cattle & some Sheep.

A few Hours after this a Detachment of 70 men of the 71st & 33d Regts came
from Ninety Six to join the Enemy at Camden, were likewise taken Prisoners by
Genl Sumpter, after which the Enemy made motion to cross the river below to
attack him ; he retreated up the River that Night for 10 miles, of which Col Senf
return'd to report to Genl Gates.

The 15th Genl Gates, as the 700 Virg'a Militia, under B Genl Stevens made
junction, consulted with all the General Officers on taking another Position for
the Army, as the Ground where they were upon was by no means tenable. On
reconoitering a Deep Creek, 7 miles in the front, was found impassable 7 miles
to the Right, & about the same distance to the left, except only at the place where
the Ford intersects the great road. It was Unanimously agreed upon to march
that Night the Army to that Creek, by which means they would get a more secure
Encampment, come nearer Genl Sumpter, occupy the road on the East side of
Wateree river, and would be able to get nearer intelligence of the Enemy. As
for to march back on that Road, and take an equal Strong or Stronger Position,
was not certain, would have given the Enemy a weak opinion of our Strength &
more encouragement to attack — The Communication with Genl Sumpter, which
had been effected, yet rather too great adistance, would have been given up again,
difficult of getting Intelligence of the Enemy, & our Horses in want of Forage. To
march to the Right to fall into the road on the East side of Wateree river (if even
the road would have admitted of it), but it would not without a great deal of work, &
Pioneers too were wanted, the Baggage of the Army would have been exposed ;
the Road where Supplys came from open to the Enemy & impossible to turn those
Waggon s directly into another road before the Enemy's Plorse might have cut
them off from the Army.

Certain Intelligence came the 15th to Genl Gates that Lord Cornwallis had
arriv'd the Evening before at Camden, & a reinforcement had arriv'd that Day,
but no certainty of the Strength could be obtain'd.

The 15th, the Evening, at 10 o'clock the Army march'd from Rugeley's to
take Post in Front at the mentioned Creek in the following order — Col Armand's
Legion (a) made the Van, supported by 200 Light Infantry on each Flank under
Col Potterfield (b). The Van Guard of the Army (c). The first (d) and second
(d) Maryland Brigade, under Major Genl Baron de Kalbe, each Brigade two field
pieces; the three Brigades of North Carolina Militia under Genl Caswell. The
Virginia Militia under Genl Stevens, the Artillery (e), Stores and the Rear Guard,
During the march Reconoitering Parties, sent out from the advanc'd Corps, came
back, & nothing seen in the Road, soon after, (about half an Hour after two in
the morning of the 16th August) Col. Armand's Van party got hail'd by an
advanc'd party of the Enemy ; an answer was made directly on our side on which
the Enemy's Horse immediately charg'd furiously with a great deal of Huzzas (f).
Col Armand stood the charge, & Col Potterfield's light Infantry (g) gave a crossing
Fire upon the Enemy's Horse, which made them retreat immediately, upon which

APPENDIX 277

the Enemy's Light Infantry advanced (h), and after a fire of about five minutes
drove our Advanc'd Corps back upon our Advanc'd Guard and Main Body, and
then likewise retreated ; This affair caused a little Confusion in the Line, but was
soon redress'd. The Army drew up in order of Battle, & having taken a Prisoner
of the Enemy, who confirm'd that Lord Cornwallis Commanded the Army himself,
consisting of not above 3000 men, and that he was come out with an Intention to
attack General Gates in his Camp at Rugeley's, upon which Genl Gates call'd all
the General Officers together to hear their opinion on that occasion, & it was their
Unanimous Opinion that it was now too late to retreat, a Battle ought to be fought,
& some of them were glad to have an opportunity of such, as they had no Idea of
the Enemy's Superiority or of the following behaviour of the Militia.

General Gates form'd order of Battle, viz —

The Second Maryland Brigade (1) about 400 men under Brig Gen Gist on the
right of the road leading to Camden, two field pieces on his right (2) & an almost
unpassable Swamp & Gregs Quarter Creek on the right of field pieces, on the left
of the Brigade in the main road two Field Pieces (3), the three Brigades of North
Carolina Militia (4) of 1200 Men under the Brigadiers Rutherford, Graigery &
Butler, two Field Pieces (5) the Virginia Militia (6) of 700 men under Brigadier
Genl Stevens, the Light Infantry (7) then about 300 men under Col Potterfield,
and Col Armand with the Horse about 60 (8) in the rear of the Light Infantry to
support the left. The first Maryland Brigade (9) about 400 men under Brig Genl
Smallwood in the rear of the Line across the road, as a Corps of Reserve.

Half an Hour before sun rise, the Enemy came in sight, drove in our advanc'd
Posts, and as soon as they came in proper distance, our artillery began to play
upon them. Their first Troops suppos'd Light Infantry, display'd, form'd and
advanced on their left on the road with a field piece (10). Their Main Body
(11) display'd to their right, when in the time they displayed our Field pieces
made a good fire upon their column. Before the Enemy had fully display'd their
Line, Genl Gates gave orders to Genl Stevens of the Virginia Militia & Light
Infantry to advance in good order & make the attack, gave likewise immediate
orders to Genl Smallwood to advance with the Corps of reserve, to support the
Left Wing and occupy the Ground of Genl Stevens. Genl Gates rode up to Genl
Gist, gave orders to advance slowly with the Brigade, to reserve their fire till
proper distance, fire & charge Bayonets which has been according to orders
Executed. They came close, Genl Gist's Brigade took a Field Piece from the
Enemy and kept it some time. Our Army's position was by that time such as
(12), and the Enemy's (13). The North Carolina & Virginia Militia all broke &
dispers'd in the utmost confusion, no sooner the Enemy's Horse discovered the
confusion xhan they charg'd (14), they wheeled to the right & Left, took the
1 st & 2d M. Brigade in their Flanks & rear (16), when in the mean time the
Enemy advanced in their Front, to which of course our brave Troops have
fallen a Sacrifice. General Gateo, who was in the rear of the 2d Maryland
Brigade, after having given the mentioned order look'd back to the road, saw
the Militia run and the Enemy's Horse charge, rode to the militia & Endeavoured
himself with the assistance of General Caswell and Aids to bring the Militia
into order and fire, but all in vain, the Enemy's Horse then came so close upon
the General & Col Armand oblig'd to wheel. The General then hop'd to
bring them to order at some Distance, but neither this would do, the militia
was struck with such a Panick & obeyed no more command. The Baggage,
which had been ordered off to Retreat in the night, on the road to the Waxaws,
ivas so retarded bv obstruction of the Night, bad roads & tired Horses, as to fall

278 APPENDIX

likewise a Prey to the Enemy. The Enemy's Horse pursued as fast as possible
Genl Gates & Col Armand, who had about 14 men, as the remainder of his Legion,
Col Armand's Horse much fatigued. Genl Gates could not be escorted by him, to
get free from the Enemy, he therefore made his Escape with two of his Aids de
Camp & the Engineer. He arriv'd that Night at Charlotte but no view was left
to assemble any Forces there, & if it was possible, there was no Ammunition, no
Arms, no Provisions, and in the middle of a disaffected Country. The Genl there-
fore thought proper, with the advice of his officers, to get by the assistance of the
Night through that part of the country to Hillsborough, where there had been left
some Detachments & Artillery, & that most chiefly the militia had directed their
course that way, it was therefore more probable to reassemble some of the
scattered Militia in that Quarter and Draw all the Detachments together 'till other
Measures could be taken. General Gates arriv'd at Hillsborough the 19th August.
— Extract of a Journal concerning the Action of the 16th August, 1780, between
Major General Gates and General Lord Cornwallis.

THE BATTLE OF CAMDEN DESCRIBED BY MAJOR McGILL

From the Gates Papers. — N. Y. Historical Society.

Field of Battle within eight miles of Camden

[August 1780]

In the Evening of the 15th Inst, a Council of Gen 1 officers were unanimously
of opinion that our Army should move within five miles of Camden, to an advan-
tageous post with a swamp in our front, fordable only at the Road, and no other
within seven miles on each side — At ten o'clock the Army moved in the following
order —

Col Armand's Corps, about seventy Horse in front, Col Porterfield with 50-
men belonging to our Reg 4 , and 150 Militia upon Armand's right flank, about two
Hundred yards off the road — Maj r Anderson with a party of N° Carolina militia
upon Armand's left Flank, in the same order — Col Armand's orders were, should
the Enemy's Horse attack him, to stand their charge, and Porterfield with the
other Light Infantry to flank them — Gen'Smallwood's Brigade in front, Gen 1 Gist's
followed, the N° Carolina Division under Gen 1 Caswell next, and in the rear the
Virginia Brigade commanded by Gen 1 Stevens — After marching in this order nigh
five miles, about half after two in the morning the British Horse made a most
violent onset Huzzaing all the time, but were bravely repulsed by Porterfield with
considerable loss — The Enemy's Light infantry next came up, the Virginia militia
or the Greatest part that were with Porterfield took to their heels, and left the men
belonging to our Reg* to stand the Attack of the whole light troops ; which to
their Honour they did for about five minutes, in which a warm and incessant fire
was kept up — Col° Porterfield then ordered a retreat, and in turning his horse
about had his leg shattered by a musket ball, which struck him upon the shin Bone
— After some time the firing ceased, our line was formed, and Half an Hour before
sun rise the Enemy advanced — Our Army Drawn up in the same order as in their
march, only that Gist's Brigade was on our Right, Smallwood's being formed in
the Rear as a Corps Du reserve Immediately on the Enemy's driving in our
Party in Front, Genl Stevens was ordered to advance & Attack their right, and

APPENDIX 279

Gist with his Brigade to attack their left, the orders were immediately complyed
with, but upon the first fire the whole line of militia broke and ran ; the firing upon
our right had begun ; I was there with Gen 1 Gates, who perceiving the militia run,
rode about twenty yards in the rear of the line, to rally them, which he found
impossible to do there ; about half a mile further, Gen 1 Gates and Caswell made
another fruitless attempt, and a third was made at a still greater distance with no
.better success — Gen 1 Smallwood, on Stevens advancing to the attack advanced to
support him, and on the militia giving way, occupy'd the ground where the Right
of Stevens, and the left of the N° Carolina militia were drawn up ; this made a
chasm between the two Brigades, through which the Enemy's Horse came and
charged our rear ; the men to their Immortal Honour made a brave defence, but
were at last obliged to give ground, and are allmost all killed or taken ; Gist's
Brigade behaved like heroes, so did Smallwood's, but they being more to our left
afforded us no opportunity of saving them ; upon Gen 1 Gates Riding to stop the
militia, Gist's Brigade charged Bayonets and at first made the Enemy give way,
but they were reinforced — We owe all misfortune to the militia ; had they not
run like dastardly cowards, our Army was sufficient to cope with them, drawn up
as we were upon a rising and advantageous ground. — Extract of Major McGUVs
letter to his father, copied at my desire by George Hite.

Ill

GENERAL GREENE'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF CAMDEN

From the Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Vol. VI., 265

Camp at Kennemark, Sept. 5th, 1780.
Dear Sir,

We have just received the disagreeable intelligence of General Gates' defeat to
the southward, with all the troops under his command. The action happened on
the 1 6th of last month within a few miles of Camden, at which place the enemy
lay, and to which place our troops were directing their march.

The two armies met in the night, and a little skirmishing ensued ; but the
action was not serious until the morning. At daylight General Gates made the
necessary disposition of his troops, consisting of between eight hundred and a
thousand regulars, and about two thousand militia and some few horse. The
enemy had from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred regular troops, and about one
thousand militia.

Our militia gave way the first fire, and left the Continental troops to bear the
brunt of the whole of the enemy's force, which they did with great spirit and
bravery. General Gist, who commanded one of the Maryland brigades, repulsed
the enemy with charged bayonets ; but the militia quitting their ground, let the
enemy into his rear.

General Gates made several unsuccessful attempts to rally the militia, but they
were so panic struck, it was all to no purpose, and the general was borne away on
the road, and had the mortification to leave the Maryland line bravely engaged,
without having it in his power to assist them, or even to tell what was their fate ;
but as the firing ceased after he had got eight or ten miles in the rear, he supposes
they must have been cut to pieces ; however, this is not certain by any means from
any intelligence we have as yet received. Further particulars are hourly expected.

280 APPENDIX

Reports come on with General Gates' letter, which say that both General
Small wood and Gist are slain, and that Baron de Kalb is wounded, but there is no
authority for it.

We lost eight pieces of cannon, and doubtless all our baggage and stores. The
militia dispersing and taking to the woods, few or none of them fell into the
enemy's hands ; but probably many of them might suffer greatly for want of pro-
visions, and perhaps some might perish.

General Gates retreated one hundred and eighty miles in three days to Hills-
borough, at which place he wrote to Congress of the misfortune which had befell
him.

This is a great misfortune ; and the more so as that unfortunate country was
too discouraged before to make any great exertions. However, it was beginning
to recover itself, and some few days before the action we had gained several advan-
tages, and taken several hundred prisoners.

It is high time for America to raise an army for the war, and not distress the
country by short enlistments, and hazard the liberties of these States with an order
of men, whose feelings, let their principles be ever so good, cannot be like those
who have been long in the field.

I am, with great respect,

your most obedient, humble servant,

Nath. Greene.

N. B. I wish you not to have any part of this letter published, as the Presi-
dent of Congress did not think it proper to publish General Gates's letter until the
arrival of further particulars.

To His Excellency Governor Greene.

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

28l

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN

I780

Letters of Major General Gates

From 21st June to 31st August

Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmett,
M. D.

No. I

Travelers Rest Berkely Co'y Virga
21st June, 1780
Sir,

Yesterday Evening I had the Honor
to receive Your Excellencys' Letter
dated the 13th Instant with the Resolve
of Congress enclosed of the same Date.
While I live I shall be happy to execute
the Commands of Congress, and not-
withstanding they have given me a New
Field fcr Action and that in the most
untoward Circumstances ; I promise
them I will do my utmost to save, and
most effectually to serve the General
Interest in the Southern States — The
Powers given me seem as extensive as
the Field is wide, and I will believe
that the Generosity of Congress will be
at least equal to their Confidence. I
ask no sort of Indulgence for the Er-
rors of the Heart ; for those of the Head
alone, I expect their compassion. I
perceive in the Resolves no mention is
made of the Quar Mas Gen to whom
am I to look up to for the Execution of
the Public Service, in that Mainspring of
Military Motion. I do not wish for
Patronage or the Power of displacing;
I only desire that Governor & Council
of State, may upon my Representation,
redress all Defects, supply all Deficien-
cies, and regulate both that and the

Commisary Generals' Department; where
either of them may be found to require
it. — I shall set out on Monday Morning
for Richmond, where I hope to receive
the further Orders of Congress, or any
Public Directions that either they or his
Excellency General Washington may be
pleased to communicate.

With Sentiments of Esteem &c. I have
the Honor to be

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Ex'y Sam'l Huntington
President of Congress

No. 2

Fredericksburgh 3d July 1780
Sir,

In a Letter I have just received from
the President of Congress is the follow-
ing Paragraph — " I have rec'd certain
Information that Mr. Clay, Dy Paymr
Genl in the So Dept was not made pris-
oner in Charles Town, and that he has
Warr'ts on Virga and No Carolina, to a
large amt, which is supposed in whole,
or in part, yet remaining unpaid — ■ You
will doubtless obtain certain information
in these Matters (which are unknown to
Congress) and perhaps find it practica-
ble and expedient to retain Mr. Clay in
the office of Paymaster General " — I re-
quest in Consequence of the above In-
formation that you will immediately
repair to me at Richmond in Virginia
with all the Warrants and public Monies
in your Possession — where you will re-
ceive my further Orders for your Official
Conduct in the ensuing Campaign.
I am &c.

H[0RATI0] G[ATES]

To Mr. Clay

Depy Paymr Genl So Department

282

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

No. 3

Fredericksburgh 4th July 1780
Sir,

The 29th Ultimo I had the Honor to
receive Your Excellency's Pacquet dated
the 16th June. — I have in Consequence
wrote Governor Nash of North Carolina
and inclosed him the Resolves of Con-
gress as you directed, and a Letter with
orders to Dep paymr Genl Clay to re-
pair immediately to my Head Quarters
with all the Warrants and Monies in his
Possession where, he is also informed,
he will receive his further Orders. I
communicated the Resolve of Congress
respecting Genl Weedon and Colonel
Morgan, to those Gentlemen — they cheer-
fully acquiesced in obeying the Com-
mands of Congress ; but Colonel Mor-
gan requests me to represent to Your
Excellency, that the State of Virginia
have appointed some Junior Officers to
himself Brigadiers General who will take
Command of Him, should he take the
Field in his present Rank. — This is not
only a galling Circumstance to so old
and deserving an Officer, but must im-
pede, and possibly entirely defeat my
Intention, in placing Colonel Morgan at
the Head of a Select Corps from whose
Services I expect the most brilliant
Success. Therefore I humbly entreat
your Excellency, will move Congress
to order a Commission to issue imme-
diately, appointing Colonel Morgan a
Brigadier General. — I am confident the
Rank, the Services and the Experience
of Colo Morgan is such as will prevent
any officer, from thinking Himself
agrieved by His Promotion — I shall
impatiently expect the arrival of this

Commission as I wish the Service in
which I design to employ Colonel Mor-
gan may meet with the least possible
Delay. — I shall set out from hence
early Tomorrow Morning, and hope to
get to Richmond on Wednesday ; where
the Governor and Legislature are now
sitting : — from thence I shall again ad-
dress Your Excellency — I every Hour
wish to receive the Answer of Congress
in regard to what I wrote Your Excel-
lency concerning the Commissary and
Quarter Master's Departments.
I am &c

H[oratio] G[atesJ
To Saml Huntington Esqr
President of Congress

No. 4
Fredericksburgh 3d July 1780
Sir

I have the Honor to enclose certain
Resolves of Congress, which I am or-
dered by that Honble Body to transmit
to your Excellency — I hope to be at
Richmond, Wednesday Evening or
Thursday Morning at furthest being
necessarily detained here until I have an-
swered the Despatches of Congress I have
received from the Northward, and set-
tled some Matters with the public Offi-
cers in this Town — When I have consult-
ed with the Governor and Council of this
State at Richmond upon the proper
Means of repelling the Invasion of these
States, — I shall again do myself the
Honor of addressing Your Excellency. —
In the Mean Time, I am confident, the
State under Your Command will be in-
spired to act with the utmost vigour
in the Support of the Common Cause.
I shall be happy to hear from Your Ex-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

283.

cellency by way of safe conveyance, be-
ing with Sentiments of great Respect
and Regard

Your most faithful & obedt
hble Servant

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Excellency Governor [Nash]
of No Carolina

No. 5

Fredericksburgh 4th July 1780
Dear Genl Lincoln

The series of Misfortunes you have
experienced, since you were doom'd 10
the Command of the Southern Depart-
ment, has affected me exceedingly. I
feel for you most sensibly. — I feel for
myself who am to succeed, to what ?
To the command of an Army without
Strength — a Military Chest without
Money. A Department apparently defi-our Supplies from Virginia. —

Mr. Long D Q M Genl shall have orders
to afford you any assistance in his Line,
to render your March easy and Expedi-
tious. I am Sir &

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel White of the Light Dragoons
P. S. If from a scarcity of Arms at
Richmond you cannot be provided
there — some steps shall be taken to
furnish you at this place.

No. 12

Hillsborough 20th July 1780
Sir:

My Letter to Congress of this Date,
with the Inclosures, all which will doubt-
less be referred to your Honourable
Board, will give you a thorough Infor-
mation of the State of Affairs here — and
convince the Board how much their aid
and authority will be wanting to support
and supply the Army in this Department
When I arrived at Richmond in Virginia,
I found the Outlines of a Laboratory
beginning to be laid; which I hope will
shortly be in some degree perfected ;
but the Board will not entirely depend
on this, but send forward such Small
Arm Stores as can be spared to Hills-
borough. Five Hundred falling axes
are absolutely necessary with the Army
— this I have mentioned to Governor
Jefferson — it may not be amiss in you to
repeat it ; and request his sending them
properly packed to the Army — I know
not how we are supplied with intrenching
Tools ; but those I will endeavor to get
in this State. The Flints are bad, if
better can be spared, send me 40,000 of
such as are pick'd. The Stores you men-
tion to have forwarded in your Letters
of the 13th and 15th June, are not yet

288

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

arrived — but cannot be far from hence,
by the Time they must have been upon
Road. Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter
to Colo White at Halllfax. I desire the
Board of War will if possible, leave the
Cavalry under His Command ; without
a Pretence for not returning to Camp.
— I wish there appeared more Harmony
between these gentlemen of the Cavalry
and the Executive Council of Virginia —
but indeed the Contrary is too appa-
rent — it is nevertheless our Business, to
strengthen the Files of the Southern
Army as much as possible. Gibson's
Brent's and the Remains of Buford's
Regiments, are at Petersburgh, and when
they will be equip'd and march'd to the
Army, I know not ; all that I can do
has been done, to. spur up the State of
Virginia, to put them also in Motion —
A small Hint from Congress may facili-
tate this, and many other Matters.

As I have no answer to any Letter I
have wrote you, since I rec'd the Orders
of Congress to take command this way,
I know not what is doing to supply the
medical Department. — I yesterday wrote
to Doctor Rickman, who lives near Wil-
liamsburgh, and ordered him to come
and reside here, when the First General
Hospital must be fixed. The Board will
do well to enforce this Order, or see
that some otherwise properly provided
with a Director to the General Hospital
of the Southern Army. Colonel Finnie,
as I understand, the D. Q M Genl of
the Southern Army; has rec'd my Orders,
to repair to, and reside at Richmond,
and to act from thence to Hillsborough
in forwarding the carriages, and Stores
& from thence to the Camp. — I do not
know if he will quit his Residence at

Williamsburgh ; if not, another should
be instantly put in his Place. — One
Hundred Waggons Continental Proper-
ty should be immediately supplied this
Army. — I am told Colo Hunter of Fred-
ericksburgh would willingly furnish them
upon Credit if the Board requests his
doing it — This cannot too soon be done.
I am earnest for the arrival of the Arms,
and the Three Hundred and Sixty Thou-
sand Musquet Cartridges, you mention
in your Letter of the 15th Ultimo to be
sending forward.

I am &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To the President of the Board of War
Philadelphia.

No. 13
Hillsborough 20th July 1780
Dear Baron

Yesterday I had the Honor to receive
your obliging Letter of the 16th Instant,
dated from your Camp on Deep River.
I am astonished at your Distress, and
Difficulties, and have ever since my
arrival here, upon last Tuesday, been
endeavoring to alleviate them. I have
sent Despatches to the Governor and
Executive Council of this State — to
Governor Jefferson of Virginia and to
Congress. In all these you may be sat-
isfied, I have described our Real Situa-
tion, so that no Mistake may be enter-
tained on that Head. Enough has
already been lost in a vain defence of
Charles Town, if more is sacrificed, I
think the Southern States are undone ;
and this may go nearly to undo the
Rest. I think all my writing Business
will be finished to-day, if so, I shall set
out To-morrow for Camp and hope to

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

289

be with you on Saturday. The Troopers
you mention for my Escort here, are
without Horses, and many of them sent
by Captain Gun to Hallifax. I will
acquaint you To-morrow, the Rout I
intend to come, and request an Escort
to meet me, at a certain Spot I will
name,

With great Respect & Esteem
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
Major Genl the Baron de Kalb

No. 14

Hillsborough 21st July 1780
Sir,

The declining State of the regular
Force in this Department has induced
me to hasten the march of the scattered
Remains of your Line. I hope much
from the Industry of the Officers ap-
pointed to collect them, and can foresee
but few obstacles in their immediate
Preparation for coming forward. In
the article of Cloathing, Hunting Shirts,
Shoes, and overalls will be sufficient.
There's little else wanted in this Climate,
and all Woolen Cloaths I should con-
sider as Incumbrances. To Bufords,
Gibsons, and Brent's Regiments you will
attach such Soldiers as may belong to
the several Virginia Corps taken in
Charles Town — placing the Whole, which
I suppose will not exceed one full Reg-
iment, under the eldest officers in each
Rank, and order them to proceed im-
mediately to the Head Quarters of the
Southern Department.
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
Brigadier Genl Muhlenberg

No. 15

Hillsborough 20th July 1780
Sir

I had the Honor of addressing your
Excellency yesterday upon a Variety of
Subjects. One has since arisen which
may properly fall within your Excel-
lency's Notice. In a Letter from the
Baron de Kalb of the 16th Instant, he
writes, "You may have met with a small
Detachment of Colonel Bufords Re-
mains. I wanted to keep them in the
Army, but wanting Arms and Cloath-
ing he insisted on marching them to
Virginia, and promised me he would
join in the beginning of July ; I have
not heard from him since." Which
has induced me to order the Remains of
Buford's, Gibson's and Brent's Regi-
ments to join the Army under my com-
mand, as immediately as possible. No
objection can arise in complying with
this Order, if it be not a want of arms
and Cloathing ; an objection which, I
hope the present State of your Public
Stores will be as far from justifying, as I
am persuaded it is Distant from your
Excellency's Wishes to countenance.
In the already small and decreasing
Number of the Maryland Division, I
need not point out the necessity of gain-
ing every Accession to the regular
Force I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Excellency Govr Jefferson

P. S. The inclosed Report from Genl
Stevens was this Moment put into my
Hand. It is so extraordinary in itself,
that your Excellency will be necessarily
led into an Enquiry of the State in
which they (The Cartridge Boxes, &c)

290

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

left Virginia, and to whom intrusted —
as it carries exceedingly the appearance
of Neglect or Fraud

No. 16.
Hillsborough 20th July 1780
Sir

In a Letter from Baron de Kalb of
the 1 6th Instant is the following Para-
graph, " You may have met with a
small Detachment of Colo Buford's Re-
mains. I wanted to keep them with the
Army, but wanting Arms and Cloathing,
he insisted on marching them to Vir-
ginia, and promised me he would join
in the beginning of July. I have not
heard from him since." In the Diffi-
culty of finding Arms and Cloathing I
can find an Excuse for your Delay
hitherto. Those Articles, I cannot but
suppose are by this Time furnished ;
and in , that belief, must convey my
orders, that you join the Army under
my Command as early as possible. But
should any accident have arisen to pre-
vent your Supplies, you will make such
urgent application to the Executive
Authority of the State, as the Necessity
of the Case so clearly demands — and
when prepared, lose not a Moment in
coming forward. I can add Nothing
upon the Subject of collecting your
Men, in your passage hither, which your
own Judgment will not suggest.
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel Buford

No. 17
Hillsborough 2 2d July 1780
Dear Sir

Provisions and carriages sufficient for
the Troops under your Command being

prepared, you will at Day break on
Monday Morning next, march from your
present Encampment, by the most con-
venient Route for Cox's Mills, and from
thence to the Grand Camp of the
Southern Army. You will proceed by
easy Stages, so as not to fatigue your
Troops. Upon your last Halt previous
to your joining the Army, you will des-
patch your Quarter Master to me, to
receive Directions, where the Troops
under your Command are to encamp.
Confident that you will preserve the
utmost Order and Regularity upon your
March, practicing your Militia in that
strict Discipline the same as is necessary
in the Face of the Enemy, I forbear
to trouble you with more particular
Instructions. I only hint that as
Nothing can have more pernicious Con-
sequences, than suffering with Impunity
any wanton Depredations, on the Inhabi-
tants, our Friends and Fellow Citizens,
that you will severely punish all who
commit any outrages of that Sort.
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To General Stevens Virginia Militia

No. 18

Hillsborough 22d July 1780
Sir

I sent your Excellency a large Packet
yesterday by Captain Pendleton of the
Caroline County Militia ; he was di-
rected to leave it with the stationed
Express on Roanoke near Taylor's
Ferry, who had a Written Order to set
out with it immediately for the next
Stage. The Letter for the Congress
Board of War, &c I conclude your Ex-
cellency will forward with the like Dis-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

29I

patch. This Morning Mr. Samuel Lewis
appeared here with a large drove of
Cattle, going with them to Charlotte-
ville. The Troops here being entirely
in Want, I have detained sixteen of
them for your Militia under Genl
Stevens. I perceive Mr. Lewis's con-
tract is for Three Thousand Head, and
he informs me they are all designed to
be sent to Virginia. I beg your Ex-
cell'y will consider how enormous a
Draught this is from a State already
invaded, and where the Southern Army
void of a Magazine is to be supported.
I exceedingly approve of Mr. Lewis's
Vigilance and Activity in procuring
Cattle, but cannot help requesting the
produce of this Industry may be applied
to the Maintenance of the Army, or at
least so large a proportion of it, as to
leave us without the Reach of Want.
I am happy to find by your Excellency's
Letter to Colonel Monro, that the two
Regiments of Cavalry with Gibson's,
Brent's and Buford's Regiments are in a
way to be pushed forward to Camp.
The same Letter also informs me that
Major Lee's Infantry are also on the
March to join us. I beseech yr Excell'y
to continue to leave all these Corps
without a Reason for not joining the
Southern Army ; as soon as their Zeal
for the Public Service will prompt them
to do it. I am told there is a great deal
of Tent Cloth in this State, I think at
Willmington, Edenton, Hallifax and
Cross Creek. Your Excy will doubtless
by this Information be induced instantly
to provide your Militia from thence. I
dispair of any Assistance from the Con-
tinental Board of War, in this Article,
and request your Excelly not to think

of it. I request the favor of yr Excelly
not to think of it. I request the favor
of yr Excelly to be particular in for-
warding the inclosed to Mrs. Gates by
the first safe conveyance ; her letters
to me will be sent addressed to your
care. I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Excellency Governor Jefferson

No. 19
Cox's Mills 25th July 1780
Sir

Last night I arrived at this Camp in
consequence of a Resolve of Congress
investing me with the command of the
Southern Department. I beg leave to
give you the earliest Notice thereof, and
to communicate my wish that a System
of future Operation may be forthwith
determined upon. To fulfil that Inten-
tion, I am to request a Meeting of the
General Officers at this place, on Thurs-
day Morning next, and to entreat the
favor that you, Genl Rutherford and
Genl Harrington will attend. I am
happy to acquaint you that the Virginia
Militia, with such Continental Corps of
Cavalry and Infantry as Congress have
alloted to serve in the Southern Army,
are in full March, and will speedily
join us ; and have also the satisfaction
to think, that the Measures taking by
the Executive Council of Virginia in
conjunction with that of this State, will
shortly relieve our Distress and put it
amply in our Power to push the Enemy
from their Advanced Posts. With sen-
timents of Esteem and Regard,
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Major Genl Caswell

(North Carolina Militia)

292

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

P. S. I request the Favor of your
immediate Answer by the Bearer, and
that you will communicate the Contents
of this Letter to Genl Rutherford.

No. 20
Head Quarters 27th July 1780
Sir

Major General Baron de Kalb has
acquainted me that he has for some
Days expected the Return of Fifteen
Waggons, that were sent to Cross Creek
about twelve Days ago. They were to
load with Rum, Salt, and Corn ; I wish
to see those waggons or to know the
Reason of their Delay. I cannot ex-
press the Anxiety I feel for the Want of
a proper Supply of Flour — I wish you
would exert yourself, and interest every
Servant, and every good Whig, and
Friend of the Public, to strain every
Nerve to supply us. — A Letter I have
this moment received from Major Genl
Caswell informs me, that the Cry for
Bread in his camp is full a loud as mine.
I am confident your anxiety to serve
your Country will lead you to do all that
is possible to supply the Army.
I am &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Peter Mallett Esquire
Corny Purchases

No. 21

Camp Kimborough 29th July 1780
Sir

I have the satisfaction to acquaint you
that I arrived Here this morning with
the Maryland Line &c. General Ste-
vens with the Virginia Militia is about a
Days march in my Rear. — This morning
I sent an express to Genl Caswell,

and informed him that I should march
on Monday Morning at 3 o'clock for
Masque's Ferry. The Virginia Militia
will follow immediately. I would fain
receive yours as well as General Cas-
well's Opinion upon the circumstances,
and State of the Enemy, by the Time I
arrive at Masque's Ferry ; and I desire
Sir, that you will believe with him, that
I shall be earnest that our joint and re-
ciprocal Exertions, may be directed
against the main body of the Enemy.
Such Deserters as arrive from the
Enemy's Regular Troops, I desire may
be immediately sent to me.
I am, &c

' H[0RATI0] G[ATES]

To Brigr Genl Rutherford
No. 22

Camp Kimborough
Saturday 29th July 1780.

Sir

Your favor of the 26th from Moor's
Ferry I received the 27th in the evening
at Spinks's 12 Miles West of Deep River.
— The 28th I march'd to Cottons and
this morning from thence here, — I now
dispatch the Bearer to know where you
and General Rutherford are at present
encamped, and if you are at Colston's as
I conceive you must be finding from
your Letter to General de Kalb dated
23d July last (which however did not
receive until the 25th at 4 P. M.) that
you were marched from the Cross Roads ;
I immediately put the Troops in mo-
tion from Deep River, resolvd to sup-
port you, and Genl Rutherford so did
not waite for nor expect your obeying
my summons to come to Cox's Mill. —
Yesterday a Deserter from the 71st Reg-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

2 93

iment arrived in my Camp at Cottons ;
he assures me the Enemy evacuated the
Cheraws, and all their outposts, quite to
Camden, on Sunday Night last. — This
is also confirmed by several others. —
Whether the movements you have been
making toward Peedee ; has occasioned
the Enemy's Assembling at Camden, or
Intelligence they have received from Sea,
is uncertain. — Be that as it may, it is our
Business to act as if the former alone
was the Cause. I therefore request the
Favour you will send me all the Intelli-
gence in your power of Lord Cornwal-
lis' Designs ; and your opinion what in
the Circumstance, it is best for us to do.
My Horses are so jaded and the Artillery
and Baggage so far behind, that it will
be impossible for the Maryland Line to
march before Monday morning 3 o'clock.
— General Stevens and the Virginia mil-
itia arrived only yesterday at Deep
River. I cannot expect he will be here
before Tuesday — he was even then dis-
tressed for Flour.

This General, Genl de Kalb has been
the means in some Degree of relieving,
by a Supply he had taken Measures to
procure from the Moravians. This
supply is also extended to the Troops
here, or I know not how we should have
been able to march forward — so clean
Genl Rutherfords Troops and yours have
swept this part of the Country. — Lord
Cornwallis's collecting his Troops in
One Body is perhaps a good Reason to
us for doing the same ; but this Depends
upon the Intelligence we may get, and
many Circumstances that it is not neces-
sary to particularize in a Letter.

I am &c H[oratio] G[ates]
To Major General Caswell

No. 23

Circular

Head Quarters diff ert Dates in
July & Aug 1780
Sir

You will be pleased to forward to the
District of the Militia Regiment which
you Command (on Peedee River in the
State of So Carolina) and when you
shall arrive there, you will give the
fullest assurances in my Name to the
Friends of the United States of Amer-
ica, that a Powerful Army is marching
to their protection, and that such of
them as from the Necessity of protect-
ing their persons and property have
been obliged to profess a temporary ac-
quiescence under the British Govern-
ment, shall be received with Forgiveness
and Security provided they have not
taken an active Part against the Friends
of America, and are willing to testify
their Affection to the Cause of Liberty
by joining heartily when called upon, in
the laudable Design of rescuing them-
selves and their Country, from the Mis-
eries under which they now labour from
the Oppression of the British Govern-
ment ; but if any should be so lost to
a Sense of Honor, and the Duty they
owe their Country, as to maintain a dif-
ferent Conduct ; they alone will be to
blame for whatever Consequences may
ensue. — You will likewise Sir, be pleased
to call out as many of your Regiment,
as can possibly be spared, and march
them immediately, as fully armed
and accourtred as Circumstances will
admit, to Head Quarters. The propor-
tion to be called out I leave to your dis-
cretion, recommending to your consid"

2 9 4

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

eration that the Time is now arrived,
for the State of South Carolina to exert
every Nerve ; and that we have the fair-
est prospect that their Efforts will be
crowned witn Success.

If there should be any Vacancies for
Commissioned Officers in the Regiment
of Militia which you Command occa-
sioned either by Death, Absence, or
Refusal to Act, you are hereby author-
ized and empowered to fill up such
Vacancies, by Brevets Given under Your
Hand and Seal, which shall be valid,
until proper Commissions can be issued;
when your Appointments shall be con-
firmed.

As it will be necessary to collect a
large Quantity of Provisions for the
Support of the Army under my Com-
mand — You are hereby authorized and
empowered to give Certificates for the
full value of such Grain and other pro-
visions as you may purchase for this
Purpose; which Certificates shall be
regularly discharged by my Commissary
General of Purchases — and if you shall
not be able to purchase a sufficient
Quantity, you have my Warrants to im-
press as much as you may judge neces-
sary, leaving a sufficient Quantity for
the Support of each Family, and giving
Certificates for what shall be impressed.
With Respect to such Persons as refuse
to take up Arms under pretense of being
on parole — none are to be considered in
such Light, but the Prisoners under the
Capitulation of Charles Town, and Fort
Moultrie, regular officers and such of
the Militia as were taken under arms in
actual Service. — All others who shall
neglect or refuse to obey your Sum-
mons, are to be considered as Default-

ers, and a List of their Names regularly
transmitted to me, that I may take such
Measures against them as may bring
them to a Sense of their Duty.

H[oratio] G[ates]

To Colonels Giles, Hicks,

and Others ; Officers of J- Circular
Militia South Carolina

No. 24

Camp Kimborough 30th July 1780
Dear Sir

Captain Paschke acquaints me, has
been able to supply you with Flour,
upon your Arrival at Coxe's ; I am sorry
you wanted it, as I was in Hopes that
you would have been able to have
brought with you from Hillsborough
eight Days Allowance, besides what
was necessary for the March there,
but since it will no better be, I re-
quest you will march on with the most
convenient Expedition. — The Desart
affords Nothing, therefore the sooner
we get through it the better. — By
Deserters from the Enemy, Prison-
ers who have escaped from them, and
Inhabitants who have come into my
Camp, to receive Pardon for their
Crimes; and ask protection from the
power that prevails ; I am informed
that the Enemy retreated precipitately
from Anson Court House, and the
Cheraws, last Sunday Night — in conse-
quence thereof I shall March with all
possible Haste, and Endeavor all in my
Power to push Lord Cornwallis into
Charles Town — Sure of your Support
in every Effort to defeat the Enemy
I rest &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Brigadier Genl Stevens

ORIGINAL \j'j</,:.U:

295

No. 25

Camp Kimborough 30th July 1780
4 P. M.
Dear Sir

I am honored by the Receipt of yours
by Genl Harrington dated Yesterday
from Anson Court House, I arn happy
your Sentiments so perfectly agree with
mine; that a speedy Junction of our
Whole Force should be directly affected ;
and it adds to my Satisfaction, that you
have ordered General Rutherford im-
mediately to join you at Ancram's
Plantation. The Congress, the
States, and Genl Washington do earn-
estly wish that no more Capital Misfor-
tunes may befal us to the Southward, to
prevent that, I shall march by the direct
Route to Andersons and hope there to
fall in with you and General Rutherford.
General Stevens with the Virginia Mili-
tia shall have Orders to follow rne ic
with, and I desire you will instantly
send to Genl Butler (whose Route I arn
unacquainted with; to march by the
shortest Road to Andersons. — General
Harrington (with whom I have great
Pleasure in being acquainted; is in Sen-
timent with me in this Determination ;
and will at my Request relate to you
the Conversation we have had upon the
Subject.

I am &:c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Major Genl Caswell

No. 26.

Camp Westside Mask's Ferry
2d August 1780
Dear Sir

A prodigious heavy Gust having over-
taken us yesterday in crossing the Ferry,

we are detained here this Day, as it will
be impossible to cross all the Artillery
and B ght

UpC marching from Masque's

Ferry, I desire you will establish a
..-. 'I wo Captains, Six
Ota and two Hundred
Rank and File, to guard the VtXIj. The
Major should receive your orders to
keep a small Guard upon the Banks of
the Rive: A side, and post hi3

Main Body at some House upon the
ground on the West Side of the
River. — You will also direct him to
send small Parties up and down the
River to collect all the Flats, Boats &
Pettiaugers that are not immediately
requisite at some particular Ferry upon
a Main Road leading from the East-
ward. — I impatiently wish to hear from
you, and still more to see you and
yours — I have not yet received a Line
in Answer to the Letters I wrote you.
I arn &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
-igadier Genl Stevens
P. S. What News have you from the
Eastward ? I have none since I left
Richmond, which a me.

No. 27

The West Side Mask's F

Thursday 3d August 1780
Dr Sir

I should have been glad to have re-
ceived a Line in Answer to the Letter I
wrote you by General Harrington, to
have been certain that you would meet
me at Anderson's; it would have re-
lieved my Mind from many anxietit j —
as it is I suffer every Distress for want
of Provisions, and know not if I can

296

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

expect any Relief where I am going ;
from you — General Rutherford and
your Command have gleaned the Coun-
try on both Sides of the River ; and
the Virginia Militia stick in my Rear,
and devour all that comes forward. —
This is a Mode of conducting War I am
a stranger to — The Whole should sup-
port and sustain the Whole, or the Parts
will soon go to Decay — General Cas-
well's Zeal for the Public Service will
induce him to consider my Situation,
and be explicit in acquainting me how
far in my present Distress I can depend
upon him. I conclude General Ruther-
ford has obeyed your Order, and that
he is now with you. — The heavy Rains
since General Harrington left me has
delayed us so much that the Artillery
Stores & Baggage will only be on this
side the Ferry by 9 o'clock this Morn-
ing, when I shall instantly march (in the
firm expectation of finding you there)
to Anderson's — I also earnestly expect
from you a supply of Provisions.
I am &c,

H[ORATIO G[ATES].

To Major General Caswell

No. 28

West Side of Peedee near Masque's
Ferry 3d August 1780
Sir

I had the honor to address yr
Excellency from Hillsborough the
19th ultimo by General Huger. The
Distress this Army has suffered, and
still Continues to suffer, for Want of
Provisions has perhaps destroyed the
finest Opportunity that could be pre-
sented of driving in the Enemy's Ad-

vanced Posts, in all likelyhood even
unto Charles Town. Lord Cornwallis
is believed to be gone to Savannah, —
has weakened his Main Body at Camden,
where Lord Rawdon commands, and
withdrawn the Troops from Augusta,
Cheraw and Anson Court House. — I
am astonished that I have no Intelligence
of any Flour coming to me from the
Interior part of the State. Your Exy
cannot believe this miserable Country
(already Ravaged by the Enemy, &
gleaned by the Militia under the Gen-
erals Caswell and Rutherford) can af-
ford an Handful to me. — I must
believe from your Excellency's Letter,
in answer to mine from Richmond, that
you had thus done all you thought ne-
cessary to provide us. — I am anxious
that this Letter should find your Excelly
and the Executive Council at Hills-
borough, exerting all your Authority and
Influence to supply your almost fam-
ish'd Troops — Flour and Rum are the
Articles most in request in this Climate,
which bad water contributes to render
more unwholesome— Rum is as neces-
sary to the Health of a Soldier as good
Food — Without these, full Hospitals
and a thin Army will be all that your
State or the Congress can depend upon
in the Southern Depart — for my own
part, I have never lost one Moment in
pressing the Army forward from the In-
stant I join'd it to this Moment ; and
when I can do more, more shall be
done — Depend not, Sir, upon Com-
missaries, they will deceive you — depend
only upon honest Men of sound Whig
Principles — and whose Souls are supe-
rior to sordid Gain — General Stevens,
with the Virginia Militia, is halted at

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

297

Buffalo Ford, Fifty Miles in my Rear,
and cannot proceed for Want of Pro-
visions — I march To-morrow at Day-
break. I am &c,

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Governor Nash.

P S General Rutherford's Division
have Tents — I hope those I wrote for
to your Excellency are in a fair Way to
be sent forward.

No. 29

Camp Masks' Ferry West side of Peedee

3d August 1780
Sir

I have not received any answer to the
Letters I had the Honor to write Your
Excellency from Hillsboro. Since I
joined the Army upon Deep River, my
Distress has been inconceivable, of
which the enclosed Copy of a Letter of
this Days Date to Governor Nash will
Convince your Excellency. I wish I
could say the Supplies from Virginia
had been a reproval to North Carolina.
I am ashamed to say, their Backward-
ness rather countenances, than disgraces,
their Sister State. What can the Execu-
tive Councils of both States believe will
be the consequences of such unpardon-
able Neglect. I will yet hope your
Excellency is doing all in your Power
to supply your half starved Fellow Citi-
zens. Flour, Rum and Droves of Bul-
locks should without Delay be for-
warded to this Army, or the Southern
Department will soon want one to
defend it. It has rained furiously for
several Days, and our Militia are still
without Tents ; therefore I expect De-
sertions and the Hospital will speedily

leave Genl Stevens without any Com-
mand. I wish I could present your
Excellency with a more pleasing Account
of the Public Affairs this Way, but the
Duty I owe to the United States obliges
me to represent Things truly as they
are. Colonel Harrison of the Artillery
has been severely wounded in the Leg
by a kick from a Horse, which splintered
the Bone ; he was left at Buffalo Ford
on Deep River, and I am this day
informed, is worse than when I parted
from him. As the Time of his Recovery
is uncertain, I beg the favor of your
Excy to acquaint Lt Colo Carrington
that it is my orders he forthwith join
this Army. I would also request your
Excelly to order One Hundred Copies
of the enclosed Proclamation to be
immediately struck off and sent me by
the Return of this Express.
I am, &c

H[0RATI0] G[A.TES]

To Governor Jefferson

No. 30

Peedee 3d August 1780
Sir

The Governor will acquaint you with
the Reason for my desiring your imme-
diate Attendance in Camp, at the Time
of writing to him, I was too much
engaged to write to you particularly.

Before you leave Richmond, I desire
you will see all the Musket Cartridges
prepared and the Flints I mentioned to
you sent forward with a Conductor. I
hope to see you as soon as possible
being with sentiments of Esteem, &c
H[oratio] G[ates]
To Lieut Colonel Cairington of Artillery

298

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

No. 31

Camp at Mask's Ferry
on the West Side of Peedee
3d August 1780 4 o'clock P. M.
Dear Sir

I am this Instant made exceedingly
happy by the arrival of General Har-
rington with your Letter of yesterday's
Date from Thomson's Creek. I shall
march at Day-break and most assuredly
will give you the meeting, at the Point
agreed upon.

The Violent Rains have had their
Effect upon me, as well as yourself, but
we are again dry — and have with infinite
Difficulty cross'd every Thing to the
West Side of Peedee — As this goes by
an accidental Conveyance, I shall only
add that I am with much respect, &c
H[oratio] G[ates]
To Major Genl Caswell

No. 32

Camp Mask's Ferry
3d August 1780
Dear Colonel

Notwithstanding every Exertion, I
shall not be able to get the Artillery and
Stores over the River before twelve
o'clock, so shall not march until To-
morrow Morning at daylight — in the
Mean-time I must request you to go —
with your Regiment — or, if you think a
less party will do, to detach an Active
Sensible Officer with a proper Escort to
Thomson's Creek, and immediately
drive the Cattle you mention to my
Camp — Inclosed is the Paper you wished
me to return — With regard I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel Porterfield

No. 33

Camp 18 Miles West of
Peedee River 4th Augt 1780
Sir

In Consequence of your informing
me that ' ' if the Cavalry are called into
the Field in their present Situation,
Nothing but their Ruin can ensue," I am
induced to withdraw my last Order to
you from Hillsborough, and to desire
you will not lose an Instant after they
are equipped for Service, in marching
the First and third Regiments of Light
Dragoons to this Army.
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel White

No. 34

The Morning of the 5th August 1780
2 o'clock
Sir:

Genl Williams has this Moment de-
livered me your Letter dated this Day.
I have given him my order to Col Por-
terfield, who is 10 miles advanced of me,
to march immediately to join you. I shall
proceed at 4 o'clock with the 1st M B
and will join you with the utmost Expe-
dition, I can march. The men are ex-
ceedingly beat out with the last Days'
March ; but much more so with the want
of Meale or Flour, neither of which have
they had for several Days past. The
attempt you propose I am ready to co-
operate in, not doubting but your Intel-
ligence may be depended upon ; and that
you have the best guides
I am &c

H[oratio] G[ates1
To General Caswell

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

2 99

Sir

No. 35
Camp Anderson's in So Carolina
6th August 1780

Sir

No. 36
Camp at Little Black Creek
7th August 1780

I am to desire that you will forthwith
proceed to Peedee and take such a posi-
tion for your Head Quarters as may be
most convenient for the executing the
Service you are intended by these In-
structions to perform. That being done
you will acquaint all the Colonels or
Officers commanding Regiments of Mi-
litia that I have appointed you to be
commanding General of the whole of the
Militia upon both sides of the River
Peedee, from Cheraw District, to the
District at the Mouth of the said River
both inclusive. You will call out such
Proportions of the said militia only as
are necessary for immediate Service, not
more than One half at a Time (but this
is not to be understood to preclude you
from accepting any Volunteers that may
offer to serve). You have likewise in
case of Vacancy from any cause full
Power and Authority from me : to Grant
Brevet Commission to any person capa-
ble of taking command of a Regimt of
Militia : — to direct and in my Name
authorize him in like manner to fill up
the vacant Commissions in His Corps. —
When you have collected and organized a
Body of Militia fit for a General Officers
command, you will make your Returns
and Reports to me in writing, and I
shall thereupon give Orders and Direc-
tions for the particular Service, which
the Public Interest renders it necessary
you should perform.

I am &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Genl Harrington

Having yesterday delivered you your
Public Orders ; in respect to your Com-
mand and Management of the Militia,
on both sides of the River Peedee : — I
am now to request your particular atten-
tion to an Enterprise of much Utility to-
the United States, and great Glory to
yourself : — it is no less Sir, than the
Surprise and Conquest of the Enemy in
their Post at George Town. — You have
therefore my Orders and Directions to
proceed in that important Business, most
rapidly ; though at the same Time ap-
parently, as if your other Command ;
was the sole Reason of your being de-
tached. — Let your First Object be, to
selectfrom the Militia and Troops under
your Command — a Chosen Band, fit to
execute the intended Service. — Secondly
be vigilant to procure every possible In-
formation, of the Strength of the Ene-
my's Garrison at that Post, their works,
their weak Side &c. When these are
obtained, you will determine your Plan
of Attack ; which I recommend to you
(if no unforeseen circumstances prevent)
at half an Hour before Daybreak. W T hea
you have subdued the Garrison, you will
if possible, secure the Magazine for the
Use of the Troops of the United States
in the Southern Department — You will
send the Prisoners of the Royal Army to
Richmond in Virginia, under a proper
Escort and the Tories of South and
North Carolina to Newbern.

Reposing especial Confidence in your
Courage, Experience and Wisdom, I rely
that all your natural and acquired talents

30o

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

will be exerted to obtain success in a
Conquest, that must redound so much
to your Honor and prove in its Conse-
quences so beneficial to the United
States. — I must likewise recommend to
your particular Attention the Situation of
those unfortunate Men who have been
obliged to take the Oath of allegiance to
the then prevailing Power of Great
Britain — to whom you will be pleased to
follow the Line of Conduct laid down in
my Letter of Instructions to the officers
Commanding Militia Regiments in this
State. — In a firm Belief that you will do
everything that the best officer can do
to obtain success,

I rest &c

H^ORATIO] G[ATES]

To General Harrington

No. 37

Head Quarters near Anderson's Creek
Cross Roads, 7th Augt 1780
Dear Colo

After a rapid March of Forty Miles
in two Days, we have arrived within
Fourteen Miles of the Enemy's Post at
Lynch's Creek, but they have prudently
thought proper to decamp last night for
Camden. We here form'd a junction
with Major Genl Caswell whose numer-
ous Division is well found well arm'd
and accoutred and eager for Action. —
Upon the Whole we form an army fully
sufficient to drive our late insulting Foes
to Charles Town, without the consider-
able Reinforcements which are coming
up. — General Gates (who now commands
in chief in the Southern Department) de-
sires to be particularly acquainted with
your Situation, and any Late Intelligence
you may have collected. He would

therefore be glad if you would send him
a Confidential Officer, well instructed
upon the necessary Points, immediately
— If you should not be able to spare an
Officer, you will be pleased to write fully,
but so as to be calculated for accidents
— The State of Provisions in your neigh-
borhood, should be particularly attended
to, and Intelligence concerning it, imme-
diately sent. I am &c

By order of Genl Gates,

Pinckney, Major
To Colonel Sumpter.

No. 3 S

Camp Lynch's Creek
8th August 1780
Sir

You will be pleased to proceed imme-
diately on the Rout which the Enemy
have taken, with the Virginia Troops,
the Light Infantry of General Caswell's
Division, and the Detachment of Cav-
alry which is ordered to join you, under
your Command. Your object will be to
hang upon the Enemy's Rear ; to harrass
them as much as lies in your Power, and
to take every Advantage which Circum-
stances may offer. — I place so entire a
Confidence in your Military Abilities,
Prudence and Courage, that I leave the
conduct of your operations altogether to
your own Discretion, not doubting that
you will distress the Enemy as much as
lies in your Power ; without hazarding
too much the Troops under your Com-
mand. I shall order a Body of 600 men
to march early in the evening to support
your Detachment. — A Deserter who
is lately come in, gives Intelligence
that the Enemy halted this Morning on
an Eminence four miles beyond Little

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

30I

Lynch's Creek ; where they purpose to
remain till the cool of the Evening.
[I am &:c]

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel Porterfield

No. 39
Head Quarters 9th August 1780
Sir

The Object to be effected by the
Detachment under your Command, is to
support Lt Colo Porterfield, who is
advanced with a Body of Light Troops,
to harrass the Enemy's Rear. You will
therefore be pleased to proceed Six
Miles, on the Road leading to Camden
by Little Lynch's Creek ; where you
will take an advantageous Position, and
remain till you shall receive further
Orders from me, or shall find it necessary
to advance in support of Colonel Porter-
field. Colonel Senf, Chief Engineer will
proceed, with a Party to reconnoitre the
Ground and fix an Encampment for the
Army ; to which I shall advance as soon
as the whole is in a proper situation to
march. [I am, &c]

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Colonel Hall

No. 40

Head Quarters American Army

So Dept

9th August, 1780
Sir

The Baron de Kalb has communicated
to me a Letter which he had the Honor
of receiving from Your Lordship, on the
subject of Captain McCallister's Con-
duct while within your Lines with a
Flag of Truce. The Accusation gave
me much pain — from which I was happy
in being released, by Captain McCallis-

ter's Explanation of his Transactions.
The Letter address'd to Mr. Rugely on
which the Suspicions were chiefly
founded, he assures me was Nothing
more than a short Introductory Letter
unsealed, from Major Pinckney of South
Carolina to Mr. Rugely, recommending
Captain McCallister to the Common
Offices of Hospitality, from which the
Character he was in, certainly did not
preclude him — and of which the Want of
Public Accommodations upon the Road
induced him to make Use of. On Capn
McCallister's Arrival at Mr. Rugely's,
escorted by one of your officers, he
delivered the Letter in Question to a
Lady, whom he mistook for Mrs. Rugely,
but on being apprized of his mistake,
desired her to restore it, with a View of
delivering it to Mr. Rugely, if he should
meet with him. Major Pinckney, who
is now in my Family, likewise assures
me that he gave a Letter to Captain
McCallister to the above purport, and
contained nothing more. With respect
to discourses held by this Gentleman
with any Person w r ithin your Lines, he
declares that he spoke with nobody
whatever unless by your Lordship's Per-
mission with Doctor Charlton, in pres-
ence of a british Officer — and to some
Persons on the Road, who came up and
address'd him, in presence and within
hearing of the Officer who was sent to
escort him. I have thought it necessary
to be thus particular in the Detail of
Circumstances, as well for the Honor of
the American Army, as to obviate any
Imputation which may be cast on a
Young Gentleman of Character, who has
received Marks of Favor from Congress,
for his distinguished Exertions in the

302

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Military Line ; and whose Feelings are
much hurt, by an Accusation being
brought against him, which he is con-
scious that he has not merited. I have,
however, Sir, complied with your Requi-
sition with respect to the Mode of Com-
munication, which I trust will be equally
pursued by your Lordship.

I have the Honor, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
"To Lord Rawdon

Commanding the British Forces
So Carolina in the absence of
Lord Cornwallis

No. 41

Camp Rugely's 15th August 1780
:Sir

You will immediately proceed with
the Troop of Volunteer Horse under
your Command to Mt Bartholomew's
Parish, where you will collect as many
Volunteers as are willing to join your
Corps. If you shall raise three or more
Troops (you may raise forty Men in
each) — You will act yourself as Major ;
.and are hereby authorized to appoint a
Captain, Two Subaltern Officers to each
Troop under your Command. As soon
as you have collected your Men you will
endeavor to join the Army, unless the
.situation of the Country where you may
be should immediately require your
Presence. You will regulate your Con-
duct to the Inhabitants by the Line laid
down in my Proclamation, and totally
discountenance every Species of plun-
dering and marauding under any Pre-
tence whatever.

[I am, &c]

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Capn Hawkins Martin

No. 42
Hillsborough 20th August 1780
Sir

In the deepest Distress and Anxiety
of Mind, I am obliged to acquaint your
Excellency with the Total Defeat of the
Troops under my Command. — I ar-
rived with the Maryland Line, the Ar-
tillery and North Carolina Militia on the
13th Instant at Rugely's, 13 miles from
Camden, took post there, and was the
next Day joined by Genl Stevens with
700 Militia from Virginia — Colonel
Sumpter, who was at the Waxhaws, had
the Sunday before, with 400 So Caro-
linians, kill'd and taken 300 of the En-
emy, who were posted at Hanging Rocks;
this and other Strokes upon the Enemy's
Advanced Posts occasioned their call-
ing in all their Outposts to Camden. —
The 15th, at Daybreak, I reinforced
Colonel Sumpter with 300 North Caro-
lina Militia, 100 of the Maryd Line and
two Three pounders from the Artillery ;
having previously ordered him to march
from the Waxhaws, and directed, as
soon as the Reinforcements joined him
he should proceed down the Wateree
opposite to Camden, intercept any
Stores coming to the Enemy, and par-
ticularly their Troops from 96 — who
were likewise withdrawn from that
Post. — This was well executed by Col-
onel Sumpter, as his Letter enclosed
will shew. — Having communicated
my plans to the General Officers in the
Afternoon of the 15 th Instant, it was
resolved to march at 10 at Night, to
take post in an Advantageous Situation,
with a Deep Creek in Front, Seven
Miles from Camden. — The Heavy Bag-
gage, &c, being ordered to march im-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

303

mediately by the Waxhaws Road — At
Ten the Army began their march in the
following Order — Colonel Armand's
Legion in Front, supported on both
Flanks by Colo Porterfield's Regiment
and the Light Infantry of the Militia. —
The Advanced Guard of Infantry. The
Maryland Line with their Artillery in
Front of the Brigades. — The North
Carolina Militia — The Virginia Mili-
tia — The Artillery Stores, &c, and the
Rear Guard — Having marched about
Five Miles, the Legion was charged by
the Enemy's Cavalry, and well sup-
ported on the Flanks as they were or-
dered by Colonel Porterfield, who beat
back the Enemy's Horse, and was him-
self unfortunately wounded; but the
Enemy's Infantry advancing with a
heavy fire — the Troops in Front gave
way, even to the Front of the First
Maryland Brigade, and a Confusion en-
sued, which took some time to regulate.
At Length the Army was ranged in
Line of Battle in the following Order —
General Gist's Brigade upon the Right
— with His Right close to a Swamp —
The North Carolina Militia in the Cen-
tre, — and the Virginia Militia, with the
Light Infantry and Porterfield's Corps,
upon the Left. — The Artillery divided
to the Brigades — and the First Mary-
land Brigades as a Corps de Reserve,
and to cover the Cannon on the Road at
a proper distance in the Rear — Col-
onel Armand's Corps were Ordered to
the Left to support the Left Flank and
oppose the Enemy's Cavalry. — At day
Light the Enemy attacked, and drove in
cur Light Parties in Front, when I or-
dered our Left to advance and attack
the Enemy — but, to my Astonishment,

the Left Wing and North Carolina Mili-
tia gave Way. General Caswell and
Myself, assisted by a number of Officers
did all in our Power to rally the broken
Troops, but to no purpose ; for the En-
emy's Cavalry, coming round the Left
Flank of the Maryland Division, Com-
pleated the Rout of the Whole of the
Militia, who left the Continentals alone,
to oppose the Enemy's Whole Force. —
I then endeavored with General Caswell
to rally the Militia at some Distance, on
an advantageous piece of ground, but
the Enemy's Cavalry continuing to har-
ass their Rear, they ran like a Torrent,
and bore all before them. This being
the Situation of General Caswell and
myself at a pass ; the Militia pressing us
forward, and the Enemy's Cavalry pur-
suing, we were obliged to Retreat with
them — hoping yet that a few miles in
the Rear they might recover from their
panic, and again be brought into order ;
— but this likewise prov'd in vain — and
the Firing in a Manner ceasing in the
Rear — there was no hopes that the
Maryland Division, had any longer sus-
tained the Attack of the Enemy's Whole
Infantry. — Though overpowered by num-
bers their bravery is highly to be com-
mended and honoured, as they made as
great an opposition as it was possible so
small a Force could make against one so
vastly superior. By this Time the Mili-
tia had taken the Woods in all direc-
tions, and I concluded with General
Caswell to retire towards Charlotte. I
got there late in the night — but reflecting
that there was neither Arms, Ammuni-
tion, nor any prospect of collecting any
Force at that Place, adequate to the
Defence of the Country I proceeded with

304

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

all possible Despatch hither : — to en-
deavor to fall upon some Plan, in con-
junction with the Legislature of this
State, for the Defence of so much thereof
as it is yet possible to save from the
Enemy — I shall immediately Despatch
a Flag to Lord Cornwallis to know the
Situation of our wounded — the number
of Prisoners and Condition in his Hands
— I Send this Letter open to the Gover-
nor of Virginia, that he may take proper
measures in the present Emergency.
He will Seale and forward it immediately
by the Bearers Colo Senf and Major
Magill my Aid de Camp — who are well
acquainted with all the Circumstances
of my march, from where I joined Gen-
eral de Kalb, to the unfortunate Hour
of the Defeat. The Distresses of the
Campaign previous thereto, almost ex-
ceed Description. Famine, Want of
Tents for the Militia, and of every Com-
fort necessary for the Troops in this
unwholesome Climate, has no doubt, in
a Degree, contributed to our Ruin. Had
it been practicable to have rallied the
Militia at any given Distance from the
Field of Battle, and could I have even
Collected Ammunition and a Magazine ;
there was no making a Post properly
defencible ; as I had not any Intrench-
ing Tools — a Want which I so long rep-
resented. We lost only Eight Pieces of
Cannon in the Action. Baron de Kalb
having been obliged to leave the Rest
on the East Side of Roanoak, and at
Hillsborough, but most assuredly the
small arms are gone, for those that the
Enemy did not take are carried off by
the Militia. I mention this that proper
Measures may be taken to supply Arms.
It is a considerable Consolation to my

Mind, that I never made any Movement
of Importance, or took any considerable
measure, without the consent and appro-
bation of all the General officers, and
particularly in the Night of the 15 th,
after the First attack of the Enemy —
they gave their unanimous opinions,
that there was no retreating with Safety,
and that a Battle must be fought at all
Events. — Seized with a violent Disorder,
occasioned by the Fatigues I have under-
gone, I must entreat the Indulgence of
Congress, for the defects of this Letter,
and have therefore sent Colonel Senf
Chief Engineer and my Aid de Camp
Major Magill to answer any Questions,
and clear up every Doubt, that can be
suggested — to whom I beg leave to refer
your Excellency and that Honble Body.
With Sentiments of the greatest Regard
& Respect &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To the President of Congress

No. 43

Hillsborough 22d August 1780
Dear Genl

Upon my Arrival at Charlotte the
Night of the 16th Instant, I reflected
there were neither Army Ammunition
or Intrenching Tools, and that to think
of maintaining that post without these
was risquing a Second Loss perhaps
greater than the First. I therefore re-
solved to proceed directly hither, to
give Orders for assembling the Conti-
nental Troops on the March from Vir-
ginia, to direct the Three Corps of Horse
at X Creek to cover the stores &c there,
and to urge the Resources of Virginia to
be drawn forth for our Support. I also
have forwarded some Volunteer Horse

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

0^3

towards P. D. and upon other Roads
Westward, to succour our People and
Waggons retiring from the Enemy.
Captain Richmond informed me last
night you had halted at Charlotte, and
was assembling Militia there. I may be
mistaken but with all deference to your
opinions I think Salisbury a better
Position ; as it brings our Force, and
that what we hope to collect, more within
supporting Distance of each other, and
certainly covers the Country more
effectually. Now should the Enemy
march out with a superior force to Char-
lotte, wanting the proper Means of
Defence, you must be obliged to retire,
which I hope you will then be able to
do towards Salisbury. I hope Colonel
Sumpter is yet on the West Side of the
Wateree, as I am confident he gives the
Enemy infinitely more jealousy by re-
maining there, than he can possibly do
by joining you, for in that Case they
would have only one Object to attend
to. My Despatches to Congress, the
Governor of Virginia, &c, went off yes-
terday by Colonel Senf and Major
Magili. Governor Nash, the Speaker of
Assembly, and part of the Legislature,
are assembled here. I have conferred
with them, and believe such powers will
be immediately lodged in the Executive
Council as will be absolute for the Time.
Mr. Mallet declines taking any more
State Paper, or acting officially as a
State Commissary Genl. I shall there-
fore deposite in His Hand such
Draughts, &c as will enable him to
carry on the Business upon the Conti-
nental Account. Whatever you recom-
mend upon this Head, I will do, and
your opinion of the places where pro-

vision and carriages should be collected
shall have full Weight with me — for the
present I have mentioned Salisbury,
Hillsborough and X Creek, and the
East Side of Taylor's Ferry, but as the
last depends upon Virginia, I have
recommended that Measure to the Ex-
ecutive of that State. While I continue
in office will exert my utmost to serve
the public Interest, but as unfortunate
Generals are most commonly recalled, I
expect that will be my Case, and some
other Continental General of Rank, sent
in my Place to Command. When he
arrives I shall give him every Advice
and Information in my power — in the
Mean Time I doubt not Sir, that the
Candour and Friendship, that has sub-
sisted between us, will continue, and
that you are infinitely superior to the
ungenerous Custom of the many who
without benefiting themselves constantly
hunt down the unfortunate. I shall be
happy to hear from you by the First
Express — who, you will be careful, is
properly escorted. — Every Reinforce-
ment from Virginia and the Eastern
Parts of this. State shall be collected,
and your opinions in the Disposal
thereof, shall have due Weight.
I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Major General Caswell

No. 44

Hillsborough 24th August 1780
Dear General

Upon my Arrival here, I instantly
Despatched Messengers to Congress, to
the Governor of Virginia, and to every
Post and Person that the Public Service
required to be sent to. Upon consult-

\o6

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

ing with the Governor and Executive of
this State I am convinced it is highly
proper I should immediately determine
to make this place the General Ren-
dezvous of the Southern Army, from
whence and only from whence we can
be provided with what is absolutely
necessary, for our Acting offensively or
defensively as occasion shall offer. I
must therefore request you will March
the Maryland Line, and such of the
Artillery Officers and Men, as may be
with you, by the Rout of Guilford Court
House, directly to Hillsborough. I am
happy, as my misfortunes will permit
me to be, in hearing of yours and Gest's
Safety, and so many of my ever Hon-
ored Continental Friends have escaped
from the Enemy.

I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Brigadier Genl Smallwood

No. 45

Hillsborough 27th August 1780
Sir

I have this Moment seen your Letter
of the 2 2d Inst to Govr Nash, and find-
ing from thence, that you are in a con-
dition to make a stand upon the East
Side of the Yadkin, near the Ford, I
revoke my orders to you in my Letter of
the 24th Inst and request you will con-
tinue in that Position. I have a Letter
dated the 12th of this Month from
Governor Jefferson ; he writes therein
that General Muhlenberg had just
equipped 500 Continental Troops who
would march in a Day or two to join the
Southern Army. I shall send an Ex-
press to meet them, and order the Com-
manding officer to march directly to the

Yadkin. The instant he arrives you
will march hither to be equip'd. I have
sent Purchasers to every Place, where
anything that is proper for Cloathing the
Continental Troops can be procured.
My respectful Compliments waite on
General Gist and the Gentlemen cf the
Maryland Line.

I am, &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To Brigadier Genl Smallwood

P. S. 234 of the Continental are
come into this place.

No. 46
Hillsborough 28th August 1780
Sir

It was only yesterday that I had the
Honor to receive your Excellency's
Letter from Philadelphia, dated the 6th
July last — I am happy to acknowledge
it so immediately — I shall in a few
Days write very circumstantially, and
particularly upon the Subjects your Ex-
cellency wishes to have explained — In
the mean Time I must beg you to have
reference to my Letters to Congress and
General Washington, which President
Huntington will Communicate to your
Excellency — We have had a severe
Rebuke, but our affairs are by no means
desperate — Long before the great de-
cisive Strokes are struck at New York
and in the West Indies — all will be re-
instated in this Quarter — Your Excel-
lency is both a Soldier and a Politician,
but it hardly comes within your Expe-
rience or your reading to match the
Variety of Wants and Difficulties I
have met with in this Campaign — The
fall of that excellent Officer, the Baron
de Kalb — so much to be regretted by

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

307

Trance and the United States, bas
made my Misfortunes more poignant,
but I believe the Day is fast Approach-
ing when our Enemies will have little
Reason to rejoice in the Victory they
have gained.

Colonel Malmady requests I would
make him the Bearer of this Letter —
but he has no further Commission from
me to your Excellency. With Senti-
ments of the highest Esteem, &c,

H[oratio] G[ates].
His Excellency

Le Chevallier La Luzerne.

No. 47

Head Quarters 29th August 1780
Sir.

By this Flag I take the Liberty to
request your Lordship will please to
permit the Bearer, Doctor Johnson,
Physician and Surgeon of the General
Hospital of the Army, and Captain
Drew, of Lt Colo Porterfield's Corps, to
visit and attend the Sick and Wounded
Officers and Soldiers that were taken
by your Lordship in the Action of the
16th inst, and afterwards from Colonel
Sumpter — Both of these Men are of
strict honor and probity, and I can be
answerable they will not in any the
Smallest Instance forfeit the Indulgence
you are pleased to grant them — I must
further entreat the Favor that your
Lordship will please to permit Lieut.
Colo Dubuysson, Aid de Camp to the
Baron de Kalb, to go to Philadelphia
upon Parole, as he has the Baron's Dy-
ing Directions with Regard to his pri-
vate Family Concerns as well in France
as America — The Baggage and Papers
belonging to the Baron are sent thither,

where they are to remain until Colonel
Dubuysson's Arrival — I am to thank
your Lordship for the Attention and
Tenderness with which Captain Hamil-
ton assures me the Wounded and Pris-
oners have been treated at Camden —
It has been an invariable Rule with me
to observe the like Generous Lenity to
all that have fallen into my Hands. Of
this Fact Doctor Macnamara Hayes is a
good Evidence

With Sentiments of high Respect &c,
H[oratio] G[ates],
M Genl & Comr in Chief

Southern Army.
To Lord Cornwallis.

No. 48

Hillsborough 30 August 1780

Sir

I have the Honor to enclose you for
the Perusal of Congress my Letter of
this Date to General Washington — I
beg it may be Sealed and sent with the
First Despatch to His Excy. — I have
made application to this State and Vir-
ginia for each of them to furnish the
Articles mentioned in the inclosed List.
The Govr and Legislature of this State
will meet here this Day — I have the
strongest Assurances from Governor
Nash that my Requisition will without
Hesitation be complied with. I leave
the Vote of Men to be raised entirely
to the States, thinking they will not in
the present Emergency require any In-
centive more pressing to prevail upon
them to provide sufficiently for the pub-
lic Service — I must request Congress
will make such a Requisition from the
State of Maryland as they can most
conveniently comply with consistent

308

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

with the Damands for the supply of
the Main Army and the Fleet of our
Allies — as there is a ready Naviga-
tion to Petersburgh in Virgiuia from
all parts of Chesapeak Bay and River
Potowmack — Such Grain and Corn as
can be spared for the So Army may at
Times be safely sent there — In answer
to a Letter from his Excy the Ambas-
sador of France, which I received the
Day before yesterday, I have refered
him to Yr Excy for the Perusal of my
Letter to Congress and Genl Washing-
ton, and acquainted the Chevallier that
I shall in a few Days endeavor to an-
swer him very particularly, to all and
every Part of his Letter to me. This
Letter goes with a flying Seal, open to
the Governor of Virginia ; he will pe-
ruse and forward it to Yr Excellency.
I am &c,

H[oratio] G[ates].
To His Excellency

the President of Congress

Sir

No. 49
Hillsboro 30th August 1780

The inclosed Pacquets for Congress
and General Washington I send with
flying Seals, that you may peruse them ;
but I must request they may not be de-
layed, but sent forward with the utmost
Despatch to Philadelphia. — Your Excy
will please to be careful to put the proper
papers to each, in the right cover, and
seale only the cover you send them in to
Congress. The Requisition addressed
to your State I cannot but believe will
as soon as possible be furnished. This
State, Governor Nash assures me, will
not hesitate an instant in supplying their

Part. General Stevens informs me he
has wrote frequently since our unfortu-
nate Defeat to your Exclly — he marched
from hence yesterday, with what remained
of your Militia (about 400) they are to
be stationed for a Time at Guildford
Court House. Four Hundred deserted
in the last two Days they were here —
and the General is apprehensive, he shall
very soon be left by many of those that
went with him from hence — In your
Letter of the 12th Instant you mention
500 Regulars, being just fitted, and ready
to march from Petersburgh. I wish they
were here — but as yet I have no Intelli-
gence of their being upon the march. — -
I beg Sir, they may be expedited to this
Place. I shall do my utmost to procure
the best Intelligence of the Motions of
the Enemy — of which Sir you may de-
pend upon my giving the earliest Infor-
mation in my power.
I am &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Excy Governor Jefferson.

No. 50
Hillsborough 30th August 1780
Sir

My public Letter to Congress has
surely been transmitted to yr Exclly —
Since then, I have been able to collect
authentic Returns of the killed wounded
and missing of the Officers of the Mary-
land Line, Artillerist and those of the
Legion under Colo Armand. They are
inclosed. The Militia broke early in the
Day, and Scattered in so many Direc-
tions upon their Retreat, that very few
have fallen into the Hands of the Enemy.
— By the Firmness and Bravery of the
Continental Troops the victory is far

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

309

from Bloodless on the part of the Foe ;
— they having upward of 500 men with
officers in proportion killd and wounded.
I do not think Ld Cornwallis will be
able to reap any advantage of conse-
quence from his Victory ; — as this State
seems animated to re-instate and support
the Army. Virginia I am confident, will
not be less patriotic — and by the joint
Exertions of the two States, there is
good Reason to hope, that should the
Events of the Campaign be prosperous
to your Excellency ; all South Carolina
might be again recovered. Ld Corn-
wallis remained with his Army at Cam-
den, when I received the last accounts
from thence ; — I am cantoning ours at
Salisbury, Guilford, Hillsborough and
Cross Creek. The Marylanders and
Artillerists, with the General Hospital,
will be here. The Cavalry near Cross
Creek and the Militia to the westward.
This is absolutely necessary, as we have
no Magazines of Provisions, and are
only supplied from Hand to Mouth —
Two Days after the Action of the 16th
ulto — Fortune seems determined to con-
tinue to distress us — for Colonel Sumpter,
having marched near Forty Miles up the
River Wateree, halted with the Waggons
and Prisoners he had taken the 15 th.
By some Indiscretion the men were sur-
prised cut off from their arms — the whole
routed, and the 'Waggons and Prisoners
retaken.

What encouragement the numerous
Disaffected in this State may give Lord
Cornwallis to advance further into the
Country ; I cannot yet say. Colonel
Sumpter since his Surprise and Defeat
upon the West Side of the Wateree, has
reinstated and increased his Corps to

upward of 1000 men. I have directed
him to continue to harrass the Enemy
upon that Side. Lord Cornwallis will
therefore be cautious how he makes any
considerable movement to the Eastward,
while this Corps remains upon his Left
Flank — and the Main Army is in a man-
ner cantoned on his Front. Anxious
for the Public Good I shall continue
my unwearied Endeavors to stop the
Progress of the Enemy — to reinstate our
affairs — to recommence an Offensive
War, and recover all our Losses in the
Southern States. But if being unfortu-
nate is solely a Reason sufficient for re-
moving me from Command I shall most
cheerfully submit to the Orders of Con-
gress ; and resign an office few Generals
would be anxious to possess — and where
the utmost skill and Fortitude is so sub-
ject to be baffled by the difficulties which
must for a Time, surround, the Chief in
Command here.

That your Excellency may meet with
no such Difficulties — that your Road to
Fame and Fortune may be smooth and
easy is the Sincere wish of &c &c

H[oratio] G[ates]
To His Excelly Genl Washington.

P. S. Your command in respect to the
Virga Line shall be obeyed.

No. 51

Hillsborough 31 August 1780
Sir

I had the Honor to receive your
Letter of 1st Inst., with that from His
Excelly Genl Washington inclosed, dated
18th July. I am glad you opened the
General's Letter, as it gave you the
earlier his directions for the Re-estab-
lishment of the Virginia Line — lest

3ig

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

there should be any Mistake, I now re-
turn you His Excellency's Letter, and
request that you will with the nicest Ex-
actness obey his Orders. The Governor
acquainted me in his Letter of the 12th
Instant that 500 Continentals, under
Colonel Gibson, would be ready to march
in a few Days to join this Army — I
desire, Sir, no Time may be lost in push-
ing forward this Reinforcement, as we
are in great Want of them. I pray you
to repeat your Orders to Colonel Gibson
upon this Head — and shall be much
obliged to you to inform me from Time
to Time the progress you make in col-
lecting the New Levies.

With sentiments &c,

H[oratio] G[ates].
To General Muhlenberg

Orders issued by Major Genl Gates
while commanding the south-
ERN Army, July 26th to
August 31ST

I/80

Communicated by Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D.
Head Quarters Buffalo Ford
July 26th 1780
Parole, The United States. Countersign,
Bourbon.

Of the Day Tomorrow, . . Colonel Hall.

The standing orders of Major General
de Kalb to be obeyed. The Troops to
hold themselves in readiness to march
at an Hour's warning.

The Army may be satisfied that such
Measures are taken, and have for some
time past been taking by Congress and

the Executive Authority of all the
Southern States from Delaware inclu-
sive, that plenty will soon succeed the
late unavoidable Scarcity — Provisions,
Rum, Salt, and every Requisite will flow
into Camp, which shall then with a lib-
eral Hand be distributed to the Army.

The General thanks the Troops for
the Patience and perseverance with
which they have endured the wants and
hardships of the preceding part of the
Campaign, and is satisfied that the future
will add still more Lustre to the Renown
they have acquired, and give Glory and
Triumph to the American Arms.

The General congratulates the Army
upon the amazing Efforts making by our
High Allies in the West Indies and
Europe, and in Conjunction with His
Excellency Genl Washington's Army
against New York, everywhere superior
in Ships and Men, there is every Reason
to Hope that this Campaign will decide
the War, and give peace and Freedom to-
the United States.

As great Bodies of Militia are in full
March from all Quarters to join the
Army, the General earnestly recom-
mends it to every Officer and Soldier in
the Continental Service, to show the
utmost Cordiality and Brotherly affec-
tion to them. Citizens, who not only
contribute to every Expence of War, but
do also upon every pressing Emergency
fly to Arms in defence of their invaded
Country, deserve every Kindness, and
will doubtless meet with every Friendly
Indulgence from disciplined Troops.

All Parties detached from the Army
are to be called in immediately.

The First Maryland Brigade furnishes,
the Captain's Picquett tomorrow.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

311

Each Brigade of the Man-land I
sion will form a Camp Guard of a
Subaltern's Command.

The Second Maryland Brigade will
furnish a Subaltern's Guard for the
Commander in Chief Tomorrow.

After Orders

July 26th 1780.
The Troops will strike their Tents
tomorrow at half an hour after 3 o'clock
when the Baggage is to be loaded and
the Whole to march by the Right,
cross the Ford near to the present En-
campment and proceed on the Road
leading to Spinks's. — The Artillery and
Baggage will march in the Rear of the
Infantry.

Capn Marburg D Q M Gl will march
in Advance of the Infantry with the
Quarter Masters, Pioneers, and Camp
Colour Men escorted by Colo Armand's
Corps to Spinks's, where he will lay out
the Encampment, and prepare for the
arrival of the troops — Colo Armand
upon his arrival at Spinks's will recon-
noitre the Roads and passes leading
from thence to Cottons as well as west-
wardly and Northwardly from Spinks's.
He will post Guards and Videtts, in
proper places, in advance of the Camp,
taking himself the most advantageous
Position for the Encampment of his own
Corps. Col Marian, with the Volunteers
Horse of So Carolina, will march with
and attend the General. — When the
Baggage arrives at Spinks's the Tents
are to be pitched, but previous thereto
the Guards and Pickers are to be posted
by the Deputy Adjutant General, who
will receive the Generals orders for that
purpose.

The Troops are this evening to receive
Flour to serve them to the 28th inclu-
sive.

Such Stores, Forage &x as cannot
be remov'd from the present Encamp-
ment must be left under a proper Guard,
and remain until further orders.

The Prisoners to be march'd as usual
under the Camp Guar

Colonel Senf Chief Engineer will at-
tend the General — Major Genl the
Baron de Kalb, will please to lead the
Line of March, and in all respects com-
mand and direct his Division, as hereto-
fore in the Grand Army.

As the Troops are advancing tov.

t Enemy, the General requests the
Baron de Kalb will direct the Brigadiers
General to command every Officer and
Soldier to keep his Platoon, Post, and
Station, with the nicest exactness.

Hi,: -.rters Si

July 27th 1780.
ParoU, Congress. Countersign, Washington.

Of the Day to-morrow. . . Lt Colo Comt
Ad.-.

The Second Maryland Brigade fur-
nishes the Picquett Guard Tomorrow.

The Quartermaster of Colo Armand's
Corps will present his Returns for Pro-
visions to the issuing Commander of the
First Maryland Brigade, who is directed
to issue thereon as soon as the Flour
and other provisions arrive.

The Army marches by the Left To-
morrow Morning at 3 o'clock. The
Artillery in the Rear of the Infantry,
and the Baggage will follow in like
order. The DQM Genl with the Qur

312

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Masrs Pioneers &c, will precede the
army by the nearest Rout to Cottons.
Colonel Armand will march in front as
usual.

H Q Cottons

July 28th 1780
Parole, France. Countersign, Spain.
Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colo
Comt Woodford.

The Troops to march To-morrow
Morning by the Right, at the same
Hour and in the same Order as they
march'd from Deep River.

The near approach to South Carolina
will incline the officers to be particularly
attentive in preserving an exact and
regular Line of March — As the Late
and present Scarcity of Flour has been
unavoidable, the General is happy to
declare that he has reason to believe the
ensuing Plenty will enable him to afford
a generous supply to the Army.

The First Maryland Brigade furnishes
the Picquett to-morrow.

H. Q. Kimborough's
29th July 1780

Parole, Guichen. Countersign, Jamaica.

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colonel

Ford.

The Troops will refresh and clean
themselves to-morrow at the present
Encampment. The officers command-
ing Regiments and Companies will make
a Minute Inspection into the State of
the Arms and Accoutrements, Ammuni-
tion Flints &c have them put into the
best order, and see that all Deficiencies
are immediately supplied by Returns to
the Conductor of Military Stores.

H. Q. Kimborough's,
30th July 1780.
Parole, D'Estaing. Countersign, New York.

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . Lt Colo

Vaughan.

The General is much dissatisfied to
see almost every good Regulation in the
order of March continually violated, by
Arms and Accoutrements being fre-
quently thrown into the Waggons, and
this by some of the Baggage Guard, and
even by the Sentinels — Women fre-
quently permitted to ride in the Wag-
gons — sometimes two in one Waggon —
This exclusive of the Delay it occasions
to the Line of March is an Incumbrance
to the teams, and much fatigues the
Horses — It is positively forbid in Future
— None but very sick Men should at
any Time have this Indulgence. The
order and Compactness of the Line of
March is shamefully broken by the
Waggoners being Sometimes suffered to
halt for frivolous Reasons — This throws
out the weak Teams which cannot for
the Whole Day afterwards recover their
Distance. The Waggon Masters are to
be answerable that this does not happen
again — Their Neglect of Duty is the
main Cause of most of the Irregularities
and Breaches in the Line of March —
they must reform or be dismissed the
Service. The General wishes the Com-
manding Officer of Artillery would so
conduct his March as to Keep the Guns
and their Trains close in the Rear of the
Infantry, very bad Consequences may
happen from their falling so far behind.

The General requests the Brigadiers
Genl the Field officers and every other
Officer commanding a Platoon or Divi-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

313

sion, to be exact in reforming every
abuse, that has crept in, to the prejudice
of Good Order and Discipline a great-
er Disgrace cannot fall upon Regular
Troops, than to be found by their
Enemies in Disorder. The General
trusts those under his Command will
not be so dishonored.

Lieut William Pendergast of the Fifth
Maryd Regt, is appointed Commissary
General of Issues to the Southern Army
— He is to be respected and obeyed as
such. The Troops to march To-morrow
Morning at three o'clock by the Left.
The Depy Q M Genl Captain Marburg
will see that the Pioneers are not suf-
fered to be negligent in the Execution
of their Duty — that they repair all bad
Places in the Road and do their Utmost
to expedite the March of the Artillery
and Waggons. The Commanding Offi-
cer of Artillery and Colo Armand will
each of them furnish the DQM Genl
with two Empty Waggons with the
Drivers and teams belonging to them,
they are to be delivered to the Command-
ing Officers of such Corps whose Baggage
yesterday by the failure of their Teams
unavoidably left by the Way.

H. Q. Kimborough's
July 31st 1780
Parole, Caswell. Countersign, Rutherford.
Of the Day To-morrow, .... Major
Winder.
The Violence of the Storm obliging
the Troops to be halted to-day. They
are to be prepared to march in the order
and at the same Hour to-morrow Morn-
ing as was directed in yesterday's Or-
ders.

Camp at Mask's Ferry,
Peedee River 1st August 1780.
Parole, Maryland. Countersign, Annapolis.
Of the Day Tomorrow, . . . Major An-
derson.
The Second Maryland Brigade will
cross the Ferry this afternoon. The
First Brigade, with the Artillery will
encamp on the East Side of Peedee.

H. Q. Masque's Ferry P. D
2d August 1780

Parole, Jersey. Countersign, Philadelphia.
Of the Day Tomorrow, . . Major Deane

The General feels most sensibly the
Scarcity the Troops are at present obliged
to suffer which is entirely occasioned by
the violent Rains having stop'd the Sup-
plies coming from the Eastward, but
this Grievance as it is entirely accidental
the troops will bear with that manly For-
titude which has always distinguished
the Maryland Line — No Distress or
Wants in the Generals Power to remedy
shall ever be known to them.

When the First Brigade and all the
Artillery and Baggage have pass'd the
Ferry, they are to halt and encamp —
The weather being fair the whole will
march To - morrow Morning at five
o'clock to De Luis, 10 Miles —

Colonel Porterfield's Regiment will
march as soon as it clears away to De
Luis.

When the General beats Colo Armand,
with his Corps, will march in Front of
the Line. — The General views with
anxiety the amazing Loads of Baggage
that is dragg'd after the troops ; he re-
quests that the Brigadiers General will
digest a plan for lessening it immedi-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

ately — As a Field officers Guard from
the Virginia Militia will be established
at this Ferry, a careful Person may be
left with any heavy Baggage at present
superfluous from each Brigade, at Mr.
Brown's, upon the East side of the
River Peedee; they will be protected by
the Virginia Militia Guards.

Head Quarters Mask's Ferry,
3rd August 1780
Parole, Rhode Island. Countersign, Jersey.
Of the Day to-morrow, Major Hardman.

The Artillery and Baggage not being
able to Cross so early as was expected
this Morning, the Troops are not to
march until Day break To-morrow —
Two Days' Beef is ready to be deliv-
ered to the Troops ; the Commissaries
of Brigades can receive it ready slaugh-
tered on the opposite Bank of the River.
The General is happy to acquaint the
Troops that a Number of Waggons with
Rum, &c, will arrive this Day at our last
Encampment ; it is ordered forward,
and will be served to the Troops at their
next halt — Major John Armstrong is
appointed Depy Adjutant General to the
Southern Army, Major Thomas Pink-
ney and Captain De Veaux, Aid de
Camp to the Commander in Chief ; all
Orders, written or verbal, coming from
either of them are to be obeyed.

As the Chief Engineer Colonel Senf
will in time of action act as an Aid de
Camp, he is then to be considered as
such.

Colonel Senf will trace out a Redoubt
on the West Bank of the River, to cover
the Ferry ; this Work is to be executed
by the Field Officer's Guard of Militia

who are ordered to remain at the Ferry.

Mr Christopher Richmond is ap-
pointed Secretary to the Commander in
Chief ; he is to be respected as such —

The Troops march To-morrow by the
Right.

Head Quarters May's Mill

August 4 1780

Parole, Charles Town. Countersign, So.
Carolina.

Of the Day To-morrow, Major Patten.

The Troops will march To-morrow
Morning at 4 o'clock by the Right. The
General to beat at half an Hour after 3
o'clock. The Junction of the Troops un-
der Major General Caswell and Brigadier
Genl Rutherford with the Maryland Line
will be formed To-morrow near Ander-
son's, 17 miles from this Camp; from
thence and other Circumstances the
General has every Reason to hope the
Laboring Oar will soon be put upon
the Enemy, and that the Army he has
the Honor to command will reap the
Reward of their Sufferings and Labor.
The exactest Discipline is at all Times
right, but most essentially so when the
Enemy think to take advantage of our
Neglect. The General, therefore, re-
peats his Desire that the Troops may
upon their March To-morrow, as well
as upon all future Occasions, Conduct
themselves as though they were every
Hour to apprehend a Surprise — It has
never yet been found that Americans
were deficient or inferior to Britons,
when fairly opposed to them in Battle.
This Army will not, therefore, he is
confident, be overreached by Military
Tricks.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

315

H[ead] Q[uarters] Deep Creek
5th August 1780

Parole, Massachusetts. Countersign, Boston.
Of the Day To-morrow, Maj Roxburgh.

H[ead] Q[uarters] Deep Creek
6 August 1780
Parole, Caswell. Countersign, Newbern-heuse.
Of the Day To-morrow, Colonel Hall.

Colonel Williams, Inspector of the
Maryland Division, having obligingly
offered to act as Deputy Adjutant Gen-
eral to the Southern Army during the
Illness of Major Armstrong, he is to be
obeyed as such, and all Orders coming
from Col Williams as Depy Adjutant
Genl are to be obeyed.

The Majors of Brigade, Aids de Camp
and other public Officers whose duty it
is to receive the General Orders of the
Day, will attend the Depy Adj Genl
daily, at Eleven O'Clock in the Fore-
noon and Five in the Afternoon, for
Orders.

The Commanding General is ready
to issue one-half Pound of Meale to
each Man of the Maryland Division
and those who marched to the Camp
yesterday.

The Commanding Officers of Brigades
will order their Men's Arms and Ammu-
nition to be inspected this Evening, and
make Returns of what is Wanting.

The Colonel of Artillery will see
everything in Order for Action.

The Army will be prepared to take a
different Position and to encamp in a
Body. The Grand Camp is Marking
out, — proper notice will be given for
removing to it.

The General hears with astonishment,
the shameful Irregularity of the Troops
in straggling from Camp, and Marauding
in a most Scandalous Manner, even
stealing the Cloathing and Furniture of
certain Inhabitants whom the Calamaties
of War had already rendered but too
miserable.

The General expects the Command-
ing Officers of Regiments and Corps
will order the Rolls to be called Four
Times a Day, and confine for Disobedi-
ence of Orders, all such as are not
present at Roll calling. — The General
wishes the Officers to consider that they
are but fifteen miles from the Enemy's
Camp, and how much their Honor and
the Interest of the United States may be
affected by the Soldiers being suffered
to commit such enormous irregularities.
The First Soldier that is convicted of
robbing and plundering the House of
any Inhabitant shall suffer Death.

Camp Deep Creek X Roads,
7th August 1780
Parole, Anson. Countersign, Blanford Craven.
Of the Day To-morrow, .... Colonel
Armstrong.

The Army is to encamp in the follow-
ing Manner till further orders. The
Maryland division, commanded by the
Baron de Kalb, on the Right Artillery
in the Centre.

The Division of North Carolina Troops
commanded by the Honble Major Genl
Caswell on the left.

The Cavalry and Light Troops will
occupy such posts as the Commander in
Chief shall from Time to Time Direct.

The Picquet and other Guards shall

316

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

be occasionally appointed by D A Genl
and posted by him or the officers of the
Day.

Camp Guards, consisting of a Subal-
terns Guard to each Brigade to be imme-
diately established, and proper Centinels
posted in Front and Rear of each
Regiment.

The Guards are to have the Parole
and C Signs, and to be visited by the
Officers of the Day.

All Waggons of the Army are to be
uniformly drawn up in the Rear of the
respective Brigades to which they belong,
and a Sergeant's Guard appointed to
each.

One Brigadier General, one Field
Officer, and one Brigade Major of the
Day to be appointed in future. — The
Grand Parade will be occasionally
appointed in Orders, where the officers
of the Day will attend and see the
Guards properly relieved.

Whenever the Troops are to march,
the New picket Guard will join and
Form the Vanguard of the Army. The
Old Picquette in like Manner are to
form the Rear Gud.

The Brigade Camp Guards will march
immediately in the Rear of their respec-
tive Brigades, and will be employed
occasionally as Flankers. All other
Guards whatever (except the Commis-
sary's Bullock Guards), are to join the
Corps to which they belong at beating
of the General ; and all Officers are
strictly enjoined to pay the most exact
Obedience to this order.

Every Guard in the Army is to be
relieved at Troop beating Daily, or once
in two Days at farthest.

As the pursuit after the Enemy will

be rapid, and should be facilitated with
the least possible Obstruction, the Gen-
eral desires the Maryland Division will
prepare to send off all heavy and super-
fluous Baggage to Charlotte.

All the Sick and Convalescent Officers
and Soldiers are to go to the Town of
Charlotte, where a General Hospital will
be forthwith established. — General Cas-
well will please to give the like Orders
in his Division, with this only Differ-
ence, that the place to which he chooses
to send his Superfluous Baggage and
Invalids, is left to his option.

Colonel Armand with his Legion, Col
Porterfield's Infantry, and the Light
Infantry of Major Genl Caswell's Divis-
ion, will immediately proceed to Lynch's
Creek. And the Army will march by
the Left To-morrow Morning. The
General will be at 3 o'clock. The As-
sembly at half an Hour after, and the
March as soon as the Troops are
paraded.

Head Quarters
Camp Lynch's Creek
8 August 1780

Parole, Saratoga. Countersigns, West Point,

Stony Point.

Of the Day To-morrow . . . Brig Genl

Smallwood, Col Adams, B. M.

Davidson.

A Detachment of the Army will

assemble this afternoon at Sunset in the

Main Road by Head Quarters, to be

commanded by Colonel Hall, who will

wait on the Commander in Chief for

Instructions.

The Troops are to receive One and an
half pound of Beef per Ration till fur-
ther Orders.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

317

As much may depend upon the Com-
pactness and Regularity in which the
Army encamps, the Troops will con-
stantly march to the Ground mark'd for
their Encampments; they will there
draw up and remain under arms ; and
the officers will remain with their
respective commands until the Regi-
ments and Guards are posted. The
General requests the General Officers
commanding Divisions and Brigades will
be exact in occupying the Ground only
which is marked out for their Encamp-
ments.

Head quarters Camp Lynch's
Creek 9th August 1780

Parole, York. Countersigns^ Newport, Fairfield.
Of the Day To-morrow, B. Genl Gist,
Col. Woolford, B. M. Brice.
The Detachment under Colonel Hall
will march this Morning. Major Deane
will take charge of the Sick and heavy
Baggage of the Maryland Division, and
conduct the whole to Charlotte. — The
Sick to be attended to by Doctor War-
field, who is appointed to Superintend
the Hospital at Charlotte till further
Orders — All Persons bringing Flour,
Meale, Cattle, Rum or Salt are immedi-
ately to report the Quantity and Quality
to the Commissary Genl of Issues, Wm.
Pendergast, Esqr, that a fair and equal
Distribution may be made of the Same
to all Officers and Soldiers, without any
preference or partiality to particular
Corps — Every General Officer and
Officer Commanding must see the Just-
ness and Propriety of this Order; the
General has not therefore the least sus-
picion that any Person whatever will
endeavor to counteract it —

The Troops are to be prepared to
march at the Shortest Notice — They
will march by the Right, General Small-
wood's Brigade in Front.

After Orders.

The Troops are to March To-morrow
Morning at 4 o'clock — The General
will beat at half an Hour after 3 o'clock.
Major McGill is appointed an Extra
Aid de Camp to the Commander in
Chief, and is to be obeyed as such —
The Troops will this Evening receive
an equal Proportion of Meal or Flour,
according to the Quantity arrived in
Camp.

Head Quarters Lynch's Heights
10th August 1780
Parole, Ireland. Countersigns, Dublin, Limerick.

Of the Day To-morrow, B. Genl Ruther-
ford, Colo. Ford, B. M. Lewis.

The Commanding Officer of Artillery
will order a six pounder to be fired at
Sunset, when all the Drums of the Dif-
ferent Regiments are to beat the Retreat
in the Front of their respective En-
campments.

The General does in a particular
Manner direct all Officers Commanding
Regiments to be exact in examining
their Arms and Ammunition, and ex-
pects they will carefully report all De-
ficiencies.

At five o'clock this Evening the Arms
that have been loaden, and cannot be
drawn, are to be discharged in a Volley
at the Front of each Division — and
no person is to presume to fire but
in that Order, or by command of his
Officer.

3i8

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

After Orders.

The Troops are to receive one gill of
Rum and one Pound of Flour per Man
this Afternoon. — A Detachment will
be immediately form'd, to be Com-
manded by Colonel Adams, who will
receive his Orders at Head Quarters.

The Whole Army is to be held in
Readiness to parade at the Shortest No-
tice. The Troops will constantly as-
semble at their Alarm Posts in Front of
their respective Brigades at the beating
of Reveille and upon every alarm. The
General hopes to find his Officers and
Men alert, and always prepared for Ac-
tion. The Troops are to receive half a
Jill of Rum per Man this Morning.

Head Quarters Camp Lynch's
Heights nth August 1780
4 o'clock A. M.
The Army will march this Morning
by the Left.

The Artillery and Baggage in the
Rear, covered by Gen Butler's Militia,
and the Cavalry and Infantry under
Col Armand and Lieut Col Porterfield.

Head Quarters nth August 1780

Parole, Rocky Mount. Countersigns, Sumter,

Success.

Of the Day To-morrow, B. Genl Greg-
ory, Colo Collier, B. M. Parker.
6 o'clock the March is to be per-
formed in the following Order —
1st Brigade North Carolina Militia
The Baggage of the Whole Army
The Park of Artillery
2d Brigade of North Carolina Militia
Maryland Division
General Butler's Brigade of Militia

After Orders

Little Lynch's Creek
Marshall's Farm

The Waggon Master General will
immediately take all the best Waggon
Horses in Camp and return with the
Brigade Waggon-Masters and bring up
the Artillery Ammunition and Baggage
that was unavoidably left on the March.
The Army is to be in Readiness to
march on the Shortest Notice. — As there
is an indispensible necessity for procur-
ing a number of Horses to supply the
places of those that have failed on the
March. The General Expressly orders
that all public Horses in Possession of
officers who are not entitled to them,
and all such as, have been impressed or
otherwise taken from the Inhabitants,
be immediately given to Captain Mar-
bury, D. Q. M. Genl, and appropriated
by him to the Artillery and Baggage
Teams. — Such of the Horses as are
unfit for Draught may be given to those
Officers whose Duty requires their being
mounted, and who have none of their
own, till further Orders. 10 o'Clock
P.M.

The Army will march To-morrow
Morning by the Right. The Troops
will assemble at 3 o'clock without beat-
ing of Drums or playing of Fifes, and
with as little Noise as possible, and march
in the following order :

1 st, Genl Smallwood's Brigade. 2d,
Baggage. 3d, Artillery. 4th, Genl
Gist's Brigade. 5th, Genl Caswell's
Division. 6th, Colo Armand's Legion
with Lt Colo Porterfield's L Infantry.
7, North Carolina L Infantry. 8, De-
tachment under Colonel Adams.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

319

Headquarters
Marshall's Plantation,

12 Augt 1780

Parole, Catawba. Countersigns, Charlotte,

Salisbury,

Of the Day To-morrow, . . . B Genl

Butler, Colo Alexander, B. M.

Sharp.
The March of the Army is postponed
till 8 o'clock, when it will be performed
in the following order :

1 Colo Armand's Legion

2 Maryland Division

3 Park of Artillery.

4 North Carolina Division

The Baggage of the Army will follow
in like order, and Lt Colonel Porterfield
with all the Light Infantry will move on
the Left Flank of the Army.

Camp Clermont,
Headquarters Rugely's
13th August 1780

Parole, Monocacy. Countersigns, Baltimore,
Frederick.
Of the Day To-morrow, . . B. G. Small-
wood, Colo Urum, B. M. Davidson.
The Troops are to be under Arms
To-morrow at beating of the Reveille,
and continue at their Alarm Posts till
further Orders. Two Guns fired at the
Park of Artillery is the signal for an
Alarm, and upon every such Occasion
the Troops must stand to their Arms.

Camp Head Quarters Rugely's
14 August 1780

Parole, Chester. Countersigns Winchester,
Westchester.
Of the Day To-morrow, . . B Genl Gist

Lt Colo Leadbetter, B. M. Brice.

The Guards are to be paraded Daily
at Troop beating in Front of the Park of

Artillery, and to be posted by the officers
of the Day. When the Army marches
in the Forenoon these Guards are to
join and march under the Command of
the Field officer of the Day, as a Van
Guard to the Army. — The Picquets of
the preceding Day in like manner form
the Rear Guard. — The Officers of the
Day are to visit the Camp Guard, as
well as the Picquets, twice in Twenty-
four Hours, and see that the whole are
properly posted, and vigilant in the
Execution of their Duty.

Mr Edmund Compton, Ensign in the
First Maryland Regiment, being entitled
to the Rank of a Lieutenant since the
— day of March last is on Duty and be
obeyed as such.

A small seven Barrel'd Silver Mounted
Pistol marked J V T was lost at the
last encampment. — Major Hardman of
the 6th Maryland Regiment offers a
Reward of One Hundred Dollars to
whoever will deliver it to him.

Camp Clermont,
15th August 1780

Parole, Berkely. Countersigns, Williamsburgh,
Willmington.

Of the Day To-morrow, B. G. Ruther-
ford, Lt Colo Howard, B. M. Lewis.

One pound Flour and one Gill of
Molasses is to be immediately issued to
every Officer and Soldier in Camp.

A Return of all the Sick unable to
march to be delivered at the Orderly
Tent at 3 o'clock this Day.

General Stevens with such of the Vir-
ginia Militia just arrived, to encamp in
the Field South West of the North Car-
olina Division.

320

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

After General Orders
The Sick the Extra Artillery Stores, the
heavy Baggage and such Quarter Masters
Stores as are not immediately wanted to
march this Evening under Guard for
Waxhaws, to this order, the General re-
quests the Brigadiers General to see
those under their command pay the most
exact and Scrupulous Obedience.

Lieut Colonel Edmonds, with the
remaining Guns of the Park, will take
post and March with the Virginia Bri-
gade under General Stevens. He will
direct, as any Deficiency happens in the
Artillery affixed to the other Brigades,
to supply it immediately — His Military
Staff and a proportion of his Officers
with Forty of his men, are to attend
him and awaite his Orders.

The Troops will be ready to march
precisely at 10 o'clock in the following
order — viz. Colonel Armands Cavalry
commanded by Colonel Armand — Colo-
nel Porterfield's Lt Infryupon the Right
Flank of Colonel Armand in Indian File,
Two Hundred Yards from the Road —
Major Armstrong's Light Infantry in the
Same Order of Colonel Porterfield's upon
the left Flank of the Legion. Advance
Guard of Fort composed of the advanced
Picquets — First Brigade of Maryland —
Second Brigade of Maryland — Division
of North Carolina — Virginia Division —
Rear Guard — Volunteer Cavalry upon
the Flanks of the Baggage equally di-
vided. In this Order the Troops will
proceed and thus March this night. In
case you attack the Enemy's Cavalry in
Front, the Light Infantry upon each
Flank, will instantly march up, and give
and Continue the most galling Fire upon
the Enemy's Horse — this will enable
Colonel Armand not only to support the

Shock of the Enemy's Charge, but finally
to rout them — The Colonel will there-
fore consider the Order to stand the At-
tack of the Enemy's Cavalry be their
Numbers what they may, as positive. —
General Stevens will immediately order,
one Captain, two Lieutenants, one En-
sign, three Sergeants, one Drum and
sixty Rank and File to join Colo Porter-
fields Infantry. These men are to be
taken from the most experienced woods-
men every way fitted for the Service.
General Caswell will likewise Compleat
Major Armstrong's Lt Infantry to their
Original Number. These must be imme-
diately marched to the advance Post of
the army. The Troops will observe the
profoundest Silence upon the March, and
any Soldier who offers to fire without the
Command of his officer must be instant-
ly put to Death — When the grouud will
admit of it, and the near approach of the
Enemy may render it necessary — the
army will, when ordered, March in Col-
umns — The Artillery at the Head of
their respective Brigades, and the Bag-
gage in the Rear — the Guard of Heavy
Baggage will be composed of the re-
maining Officers and Soldiers of the Ar-
tillery one Captain two Subalterns, four
Sergeants, one Drum and sixty Rank
and File. And no person whatever is to
presume to send any other Soldiers upon
that Service. All Batmen waiters &c
who are Soldiers taken from the Line
are forthwith to join their Regiments and
act with their Masters while they are
upon Duty. The Tents of the whole
Army to be struck at Tattoo.
{Here follows a blank page in the Order Book.)

Head Quarters Hillsborough
31 August 1780

Parole, Arch. Countersign, Attention.

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. V NOVEMBER 1880 No. 5

THE PAWNEE INDIANS

THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS

THE following paper has been prepared as an attempt to preserve
some of the more noteworthy features of the ordinary life of this
remarkable tribe. The facts given have been carefully arranged
with a double view ; to specify such traits and usages as best mark them
as a tribe, and also to afford data for comparing them as to their char-
acteristic usages with other of the prominent Indian families of the
country. This course, next to the study of their language, affords the
best means for determining their remoter affiliations, and the matter
might have been amplified indefinitely had space permitted. The
sketch is of necessity brief, but I trust not unimportant. Taken with a
paper published in a previous number of this Magazine [IV., 241], it pre-
sents the fullest statement that has yet appeared in relation to the Paw-
nees. It is a peculiar fact concerning them, that they seem destined to
pass away, and leave no special impress. The large and valuable terri-
tory so long held by them now affords evidence of their former presence
and history in scarcely a single name that they have given to any object
or locality in it. Literally 'their place knows them no more.' In this
respect their fate is singularly unlike the fate of the old tribes of the
east, who in passing away have left innumerable mementos of them-
selves behind. This evanescence, however, in the case of the Pawnees
must not be attributed to any lack of character or power in them, for
both they possessed in an eminent degree. It is due rather to the nature
of the country, to the peaceful attitude they have ever maintained,
which has tended to withdraw them from general notice, and especially
to the unappreciative indifference of those who have so readily and
entirely usurped their place.

§ 1. Trade. This was never very extensive. Their implacable
warring with neighboring tribes necessarily precluded any general com-

322 THE PAWNEE INDIANS

mercial intercourse. Their trade was confined, therefore, to the few
tribes with whom they were on terms of amity, i. e., the Arikaras, the
Mandans and Wichitas. From the latter they obtained horses and bois
d'arc, from the two former eagles' feathers, a commodity in great
demand among the Pawnees, and red pipe stone. The articles given in
exchange to the Arikaras and Mandans were horses, salt from the plains
of the upper Arkansas, and to the latter sometimes corn. To the
Wichitas they bartered pipe stone, and to some extent eagles' feathers.

With the whites also their trade was limited, never having been suf-
ficient to induce the establishing of a permanent trading post among
them. The nearest stated establishment of this kind was at Bellevue
on the Missouri, and here their dealings were comparatively light. Per-
haps there is no instance of another tribe equally large whose trade in
all directions was so restricted. The isolated condition in which they
lived, shut in on all sides by unforgiving foes, seems in a considerable
measure to have disused them to the thought of any such relations, and
taught them to rely only or chiefly upon themselves.

§2. Food, The proverb,, ca'-si-ri iis'-ak-i, he tn'-ra-he ciks'-tit lilk'-u
wa-wa, " even the dogs, it is well (for them) to eat in peace," seems to
indicate that to the Pawnee eating was an act which claimed something
of deferential respect. Without inquiring whether the apparent spirit
of this maxim was always observed, it may at least be truly said that
the question of what he should eat was perhaps as potent as any other
that influenced him during life. It demanded ever his serious thought,
provoked his ingenuity, taxed his energy, and largely controlled his
movements during the entire year. When traveling they had but one
meal a day, at the close of the day's march; but when at home they
cooked and ate as often as hunger prompted. The ability and readiness
to eat whenever occasion offered was in their estimation an exponent
of health, and if an invalid failed to take food at all, hope of recovery
was immediately relinquished.

Their food was in the main coarse, but wholesome. The staple
article of daily fare was buffalo meat and corn. The flesh of smaller
game, and when on the hunting grounds that of the buffalo also, was
eaten fresh ; but for the greater part of the year they had only the dried
flesh of the latter. Dried meat was frequently eaten raw, a mouthful
of lean and of fat alternately to facilitate mastication and degluti-
tion; and in case of exigency fresh meat was so taken; but usually
both were cooked. The more common way of preparing was by
boiling. Hence one of the most important articles of household furni-

THE PAWNEE INDIANS 323

ture was a large vessel for this purpose. Prior to coming in contact
with the whites they used rude pottery of their own manufacture. Such
ware was in use in cooking with the poorer portion of the tribe till
quite recently. Their favorite method was to boil the meat alone, or
with corn and beans, till the whole was reduced to a pulpy mass, and
eat it as a thick soup with spoons. If time or appetite did not permit
this, it was simply boiled. Fresh meat, and sometimes dried meat
if sufficient fat adhered, was also broiled by being held in suitable pieces
over coals. Another usual way of preparing the former was to cover
large pieces in a bed of coals till sufficiently cooked. This method was
in high repute, as it preserved most of the native juices in the meat and
rendered it especially palatable.

With regard to meats in general, there was a current saying among
them, that the flesh of the carnivorous animals and rapacious birds should
not be eaten. The food of the most of these animals was believed to
render them unclean. This dictum, however, must not be interpreted
too strictly ; for the flesh of some of them, as the bear, otter and skunk,
was in high esteem. A fatted dog also constituted a most delicious
repast. Formerly a dog dance accompanied by a dog feast was a fre-
quent occurrence ; now it is become rare, and is observed quietly,
apparently that it may not attract the attention of the whites. Till
recently, since the government has undertaken to subsist the tribe,
they were very rigid in refusing to touch pork in any form, but this
scruple has now entirely disappeared.

Dried corn was boiled alone, or with beans, forming a sort of succo-
tash ; when thus prepared buffalo tallow was put in freely to season it.
Matured corn was sometimes boiled as hominy, but more frequently
was ground in a mortar and boiled as mush, or made into cakes and
baked in the ashes or on hot stones. The corn was sometimes parched
before triturating, and by this means the flavor of the food was much
improved. Beans and pumpkins, green or dry, were prepared by
simple boiling.

There were a number of wild plants, the root or fruits of which af-
forded a partial subsistence at certain seasons. The poorer people were
sometimes obliged to live almost entirely upon food of this kind. Among
the edible roots were the wild potato (Ipomoea Panduratd), wild turnip
(Arisaema Triphylluni), pomme blanche (Psoralea Esculenta), ground bean
(Apios Tuberosd), cucumber root (Medeola Virginicd), a. sort of artichoke
(Helianthus Doronicoides), and some others that I was never able to
determine. A species of mushroom growing freely in some localities

324 THE PAWNEE INDIANS

on the prairies was sometimes gathered in considerable quantities. The
umbels of the large milkweed (Asclepias Cornuti) were cut when in bloom
with the tender extremities of the stalks and boiled as a relish. When
traveling in the summer they often picked and ate as a preventive
against thirst the fruit of the ground plum {Astragalus Caryocarpus).
Various wild fruits, as strawberries, plums, cherries (especially the sand
cherry) and grapes were gathered in their season and eaten fresh, or
dried for preservation. In the latter state they were much used in fla-
voring other dishes.

§ 3. Feasts. During their stay in the villages or encampments, if food
was plenty, much of the time of the men was spent in feasting. Any
one was at liberty to make a feast as he had the means. These enter-
tainments were usually had in the early part of the day ; still they might
occur at any hour. It was not infrequent that guests were called from
sleep in the dead of night to attend a feast, and seemed to participate
with unimpaired zest. When a man had resolved to give a feast, he
ordered his wife to hang the kettle over the fire and fill it with corn and
beans, or meat, and water sufficient for boiling. This was done in the
evening. If several courses were to be served, the viands were all set
to cook in different kettles. Early the following morning he called
in two acquaintances, who were to serve on the occasion. After
smoking with them, he bade one to go and invite the first chief of the
band, or, in his absence, the second. The chief was expected to bring
his pipe and a supply of tobacco. After all had smoked, the host com-
municated his intention to the chief, who thereupon directed the two
apparitors to go about the village and invite such persons as he named.
The kettle (or kettles) was now taken from the fire and placed in readi-
ness near the entrance of the lodge. All women and children were
dismissed, not to return till the guests were all departed. When the
apparitors returned, after smoking together again, they were sent out to
borrow dishes, if the host had not sufficient of his own. These dishes
were usually calabashes made from large gourds, and each containing a
gallon or more. As the guests arrived each remained standing just
inside the entrance till his place was assigned by the chief, who acted
as master of the feast. If numerous, they were seated in two circles
one immediately about the fire and the other nearer the wall of the
lodge. Sometimes, if those invited already proved not enough, more
were called in. After these preliminaries the master designated those
who should make speeches, a number of which were expected on every
such occasion. Frequently two or three old men were allowed to be

THE PAWNEE INDIANS 3 2 5

present, with the understanding that they should do most of the
haranguing. One of them began by making a speech in commendation
of the entertainer, the chief and other guests, and if there was any
business to be transacted, he closed by stating it, and expressing his
views concerning it. He was followed by the master of the feast, and
after him by any distinguished person who chose to speak. After the
laudation was finished and the business dismissed, an old man made a
prayer, and the talking was ended. The company was then counted to
determine into how many portions the food should be divided, and
some one appointed to distribute the contents of the kettle equally in
the dishes. One dish filled was dispatched as a present to some one of
the medicine men. Another was placed before the master of the feast,
who carefully raising a spoonful, drained it and returned the spoon to
the person making the distribution. He refilled the spoon from the
kettle, covered it with one hand, reverentially raised it toward the
entrance or east, stepped across to the opposite side directly in front of
the master, and poured the contents in two places on the ground, in one
place three-fourths, in the other the remainder ; the larger portion an
offering to the buffalo, the smaller to Ti'-ra-wa. From the time of assem-
bling thus far the pipe and tobacco of the master were kept busily circu-
lating. The dishes, all filled from the kettle, were now distributed to
the guests, one to each, or one to every two, as proved most convenient.
The contents were soon devoured, and the distribution repeated till the
courses were all served. The dishes were then collected by the appari-
tors, and such as were borrowed returned at once to their owners. The
company expressed their compliments to the entertainer and withdrew.
Not infrequently it was arranged that two or more feasts should suc-
ceed each other, the guests passing from one directly to another. Sev-
eral series of such feasts might also be going on at the same time under
the conduct of different chiefs.

It was a usage that a guest should eat or carry away all that was set
before him. The latter alternative, however, rarely occurred, as a
Pawnee's digestive capacity was quite equal to any such requirement ;
or an accommodating friend seated near, of greater powers, would
kindly devour whatever a guest might for any reason be compelled to
leave uneaten. Once in a while, when going through a series of feasts,
a guest might be seen sedulously endeavoring to settle the contents
of his already overloaded stomach by placing his clenched left hand
closely against the lower part of the breast, and striking heavily upon
it with the right, shifting the position of the left hand during the pro-

326 THE PAWNEE INDIANS

cess from side to side across the gastric region. By means of this
pounding it was imagined that room might be secured for further
indulgence. Such was an ordinary social feast. The routine could be
varied somewhat, according to circumstances or the choice of the
master; but the general features remained identical. The religious and
ceremonial feasts had each a character peculiarly its own. One or two
may be sketched briefly as illustrations.

A young man devoted the first buffalo that he killed to Ti'-ra-wa~
The entire animal was carried to the lodge of some prominent person,
who thereby became master of the feast. He invited in a dozen or
more old men to feast with him, and assist in the observances of the
occasion, and other special guests. They began at sunset. The meat
was cut in small pieces and set over the fire to boil, except the heart
and tongue, which were carried without the lodge and burned as a sac-
rifice. While the meat was boiling, and the sacrifice was burning, the
medicine bundle {ut-i'-ra) was taken from its place, opened, its contents
inspected and placed out in due order. Various ceremonies were per-
formed over them, puffing smoke upon them, stroking them with the
hand, talking or praying to them, etc., by the members of the company.
Speeches were then made by certain of the old men, the burden of
whose remarks was laudation of the slayer of the buffalo, the master of
the feast, etc., and finally a prayer was offered. The meat, having thor-
oughly cooked meanwhile, was now apportioned among all present,
each of whom had opportunity to gorge himself to the utmost. After
the eating the sacred things were gathered together, replaced in the
bundle, and suspended again in place.

One of the most important and generally observed feasts was held
annually, immediately after returning to the villages from the winter
hunt. The aim of it was to secure a healthful season, good crops and
success in all enterprises. Both old and young men participated in this
feast, and its celebration was usually observed in several lodges in each
village at the same time. From ten to thirty men were assembled in
each lodge earry in the day. Several of them were sent through the
village by the master of the feast to collect dried buffalo hearts and
tongues, and from thirty to sixty of each were brought in. The sacred
bundle was taken down, its contents inspected and placed out in order.
In its proper place with them was set the skull of an old buffalo bull.
Some red paint was prepared in a dish with tallow by some one
appointed for the purpose, and handed to the master, who proceeded
to paint his face, breast, arms and legs. He then divided the paint in

THE PAWNEE INDIANS 327

two dishes, passing one to his neighbor on the right, the other to the
neighbor on the left. They decorated themselves in like manner, and
passed the paint to those next, and so on till all were painted. Some
one was then designated to paint the bull's skull. The person named to
this office took his place behind the skull, passed his hand smeared with
the pigment three times from its nose back over the central part of the
forehead. One hand was then passed on either side from the corner of
the mouth back to the base of the horn, and thence to its tip. Five
rods about a yard long were now whittled out and painted. To the
end of each was attached a fragment of the scalp of an enemy as large as
a quarter of a dollar piece. Four of the rods were taken out and set in
the ground outside of the lodge, one toward each cardinal point of the
compass, with the bit of scalp at the top. The fifth was set up inside
directly in front of the painted skull. Next came the ceremony of
smoking the sacred pipe. The smoke from it was puffed up toward the
sky, down toward the earth, to the four points of the compass, upon
the sacred things, upon the bull's pate, etc., by the master and all others
present consecutively. Two persons were then named to offer a sacri-
fice. One of them took up a buffalo tongue and heart and passed out,
bearing also the sacred pipe ; the other followed with a bundle of fag-
gots. They went to one of the rods before set up, arranged the faggots
in a pile before it, and after placing upon them the heart and tongue,
set the pile on fire. The same rite was repeated at each other rod.
The man bearing the pipe then returned to the interior, while the other
continued without till the piles were entirely consumed. During these
services several speeches were delivered by different persons within,
and a prayer offered. The proceedings thus far would occupy till
noon. To preserve interest meantime the contents of two large kettles
of boiled corn, or corn and meat, were at convenient stages distributed
among the guests. A portion was also each time set before the bull's
skull. When the corn was at last all eaten, the hearts and tongues
were cut up, boiled and dealt out, being about as much to each as a
man should eat in two days. After feasting thus gluttonously, the
sacred things were packed up and put in place, and the company dis-
persed. The proceedings lasted commonly till late in the afternoon.

§ 4. Hunting. The Pawnees made yearly a summer and winter
hunt ; the former from the last of June till the first of September, the
latter from the last of October till early in April. The general direc-
tion of the hunting expeditions was to the southwest into western
Kansas, but sometimes the summer hunt was confined to western

328 THE PAWNEE INDIANS

Nebraska. The entire distance traveled on an expedition varied greatly,
from 400 to 900 miles, according as the game proved plenty or scarce.
The exact time of departure from home was generally fixed by a tribal
council. Prior to starting all goods that they did .not choose to take
along were carefully cached, and every man and beast called in. When
the day for setting out arrived all articles not previously disposed of
were packed upon horses, each family as it was ready fell into line, and
the bustling villages were left utterly desolate. They traveled in
Indian file, and of necessity the line was often several miles in length.
The men rode in advance and upon the flanks, keeping a diligent look-
out over the country through which they were passing. The women
and children walked in the trail, each leading one or more pack animals.
Children too small to walk were carried by their mothers,- or bestowed
upon some convenient horse. It occasionally happened that an animal
became frightened or restive, broke away from its leader, kicked about
till it had freed itself completely from its load, and galloped away at
full speed. The unfortunate woman who had it in charge must then
follow it till caught, bring it back, gather together the scattered load,
replace it upon the horse, and regain her place in the line, if indeed
it was not already in camp. All the recompense she had for the
fatiguing exertion was quite probably a severe chiding from her hus-
band, who perhaps had witnessed the whole occurrence and made sport
of it.

The aged and infirm were obliged to travel with the line and worry
along as best they might. Such persons were accustomed to start
earlier than the main body, so that they might arrive in camp in good
season. Old age and decrepitude with the Indians was the dark day of
life. While at home they were tolerably cared for, but on these hunts
they endured extreme hardship and privation. Instances have been
known where persons, who felt unable to accompany their bands, chose
to remain or were left behind in the villages. A supply of provisions
was given them, which in summer they might easily supplement by
gathering wild fruit and various edible roots. Those in this condition,
however, were almost sure to fall victims to prowling Dakotas, who
regularly, during the absence of the tribe, visited the villages to perpe-
trate whatever maliciousness they could see their way to.

In winter the daily march did not ordinarily begin early, but in
warmer weather they set out at dawn or sooner, and advanced till from
eleven to four o'clock, as circumstances dictated. The distance daily trav-
ersed was from eight to twenty miles. For two or more hours after the

THE PAWNEE INDIANS 329

advance had halted the line would continue to pour into the camp, which
was fixed where wood, water and forage were plenty. As soon as a family
arrived the women unpacked the horses and turned them loose to graze,
while they themselves pitched the lodge (a work in which they were
so expert that but few minutes were required for its performance),
brought wood and water, and prepared the daily meal. Sometimes
they traveled all day, reaching the place selected for camp just at night-
fall. On such occasions the scene which transpired beggars description.
The horses were unruly, the children hungry and petulant, the women
vexed and weary, the men ill-natured and imperious. Horses whinnied
and pranced, dogs yelped and snarled, children teased and cried, women
scolded and men threatened ; no one heeded and everything went
wrong. Tongue and ears at such a time were of little avail.

As soon as they arrived on the buffalo grounds the greatest cir-
cumspection was exercised in their daily progress. Men regularly
appointed, known as la-ri-pilk' -us (soldiers), were kept constantly on the
watch, and when a herd was discovered all its movements were
cautiously watched. After the camp had been moved as near as might
be from the lee side without alarming the game, a council was called to
determine whether all indications were favorable to an instant hunt.
In these councils the ku'-ra-u (doctors or medicine men) played a promi-
nent part, and sometimes postponed action for several days with no
further reason than the bare assertion that it was not good. If, however,
the result of the deliberation was favorable, the proclamation of a hunt
was duly made by a herald. All who wished to participate in the sport
caught their fleetest horses and equipped. A number of the soldiers
were assigned, whose business it was, in conjunction with the chiefs, to
have charge of all the preliminaries, as also of the final chase. Two of
them, curiously painted and wearing a variety of fantastic accoutre-
ments, rode out, bearing the soldiers' escutcheon and took position,
with about a dozen armed attendants, upon some convenient eminence
till the body of the hunters had assembled. They then moved forward,
and the hunters followed. Two old men with rattles and medicine bagfs
ran on foot in front, singing and shaking the rattles. A person, who
should have the temerity now to dash ahead of the soldiers, would
scarcely escape with life. He would at least secure to himself a most
merciless flogging, even rank not availing to avert the penalty. This
regulation was so strict that it would not screen from summary pun-
ishment a person who should go out and kill a buffalo, and alarm the
herd before the regular hunt, were he even to plead in extenuation that

330 THE PAWNEE INDIANS

it was done to save his family from starving. This was a wise usage,
though it may seem uselessly severe. In this manner the troop pro-
ceeded till they were come as near as possible without startling the
herd. The hardly repressed excitement at this moment was intense.
Halting, the hunters were quietly drawn up in line, facing the game, so
that all might have an equal chance. The word was given, and with a
loud cry they sped away, each urging his trained steed to the utmost
that he might first overtake and secure a victim. The horses in these
charges were guided by the knees of the rider, his hands being busied
with bow and arrows. In a few minutes each hunter might be seen
nearing the animal that he had selected. (Till the buffaloes were two
and a half years old there was little choice between the sexes. After
that age the flesh of bulls became distasteful, and was rarely taken,
unless in a time of great scarcity. It was owing to this fact that bulls
were in excess in many herds.) Just before coming abreast of it he
discharged an arrow, endeavoring to strike it high in the flank between
the projecting hip and ribs, so that the shaft should take a course
obliquely forward toward the vitals. A single arrow sent with skill
and force in this direction, even if not immediately fatal, caused such
distress as to soon bring the buffalo to a standstill. If one did not suf-
fice, others were used. As soon as the animal ceased running, the
hunter passed on to another, and sometimes a third, fourth, and even
a fifth was brought to by one man in the course of half an hour. The
entire number slaughtered in a single chase frequently exceeded three
hundred. The Pawnees seldom resorted to a surround, attacking
from all sides at once. This method was more tedious and dan-
gerous, and was regarded as less huntsmanlike. When the chase